Friday, April 25, 2008

Prof.Boguslaw Wolniewicz o antypolskiej postawie "Tak nic sie nie nalezy!"

Prof.Boguslaw Wolniewicz o antypolskiej postawie "Tak nic sie nie nalezy!"

Reuters Agency reported from Buenos Aires, Argentina on Fri, 19 Apr 1996 (14:50:17 PDT) on The World Jewish Congress.

Israel Singer, General Secretary of the World Jewish Congress stated that "More than three million Jews died in Poland and the Polish people are not going to be the heirs of the Polish Jews. We are never going to allow this. (...) They're gonna hear from us until Poland freezes over again. If Poland does not satisfy Jewish claims it will be "publicly attacked and humiliated" in the international forum.

Bad manners at Warsaw Ghetto Israeli teenagers-students are a nuisance in Poland AGAIN!

Bad manners at Warsaw Ghetto Israeli teenagers-students are a nuisance in Poland AGAIN!
Please do something before the next trip or do not come to Poland.

Israeli youths in Poland ceremony score failing grade with disrespectful behavior

Attila Somfalvi Published: 04.24.08, 10:36 / Israel Opinion

It’s been a while since I felt both so proud and so embarrassed to be Israeli at the same time, as I felt during my visit to Poland.

President in Poland

Peres: New Poland one of Israel's greatest EU allies / Aviram Zino

Peres speaks at length about Jewish History in Poland. ‘Remnants of death camps on Poland’s land serve as pillar of fire in our collective historical memory’
Full Story

On the one hand, I was overwhelmed by powerful patriotic feelings, nationalistic even, when I stood under the blue-and-white flags proudly carried by Israeli students in the cold winds of Auschwitz and Majdanek. On the other hand, I was red with shame in the face of the behavior of Israeli youths during events that required a little respect and restraint.

For example, the impressive and dignified ceremony organized by the Poles to mark 65 years to the Warsaw Ghetto uprising that was attended, in addition to Polish President Lech Kaczynski and Israeli President Shimon Peres, by the French foreign minister, representatives of the German and US governments, Polish senators, Holocaust survivors, war veterans, senior Polish army officers – and also hundreds of Israeli teenagers from across the nation who were just finishing an intensive journey through the death camps.

It is difficult to describe the huge Polish investment in the event. It is also difficult to describe the reverence shown by the hundreds of non-Israeli invitees to the speeches delivered by the two presidents, the singing of the El Maleh Rachamim memorial prayer, the Israeli national anthem, the Hebrew prayers, and the entire ceremony. It appeared that everyone was doing above and beyond in order to honor the memory of the Warsaw Ghetto heroes.

Yet at the same time, a few meters away, the jungle was going wild. On the Israeli side where the youth delegation members were concentrated, everyone behaved as though they were in the middle of some feast on a Tel Aviv traffic island. Only the barbeques were missing, but we had snacks, soft drinks, loud giggling, and screaming. Some students were lying on the grass while listening to their iPods. We also had group gatherings, a mini-festival of storytellers and jokers, short naps, smoking, whispers, the occasional game of “catch” accompanied by cheerful calls, nuts and seeds, and childish, embarrassing, and exaggerated panic upon hearing the gun salute. It was all there.

Teenagers have not learned a thing
Indifferent teachers were also there, busy searching for a comfortable spot to lean on. We also had Education Ministry representatives with hands in their pockets who observed what was going on without doing a thing – overall, what we had there was a great shame. With the exception of several dozen youths who bothered to follow the ceremony and hold up flags, the Mideastern party continued according to plan and with no connection to the memory of the Jews who fought the Nazis.

One of the teachers explained to me that the Education Ministry is at fault because it did not bothered to organize chairs for the Israelis and the ceremony was long. Another teacher said the students had trouble following the speeches in Polish, and therefore lost interest in what was happening around them. This explanation could have been valid had I not seen with my own eyes the lack of interest and zero respect displayed by most students to the symbols of the State of Israel during President Shimon Peres’ speech – delivered in clear and fluent Hebrew. I will make no mention of the students’ attitude to the Polish national anthem and other speakers for obvious reasons of shame.

At the heart of Warsaw, a few meters away from the Rapaport Warsaw Ghetto monument, after eight days, three concentration camps, two ghettos, and dozens of stories – the Israeli teenagers proved on the last day of their journey that they have not learned a thing.

Perhaps they know more about the Holocaust, but in all matters related to manners, culture, education, and respect to others – they scored a humiliating failing grade. And with this grade they returned home, to Israel, to their parents and education system that have indeed put them on a plane to Poland – but sent them there without any moral baggage.

Encouraged by Rabbi Israel Singer's, the General Secretary of the World Jewish Congress, statements in 1996 such as " If Poland does not satisfy Jewish claims, it will be publicly attacked and humiliated in the international forum." So it is a plan to deliberately slander Poland's name and manipulate the American public's opinion against Poles. It was permitted to slander Poles now

A real hero - Witold Pilecki - A Volunteer for Auschwitz

Poland was the only country in all of Nazi-occupied Europe with death penalty for sheltering Jews. Germans knew how sympathetic Poles were to Polish Jews and in that way they could get rid of them both. Entire families, sometimes whole towns were murdered for sheltering Jews.

despite the overwhelming and deadly idea of antisemitism in the Third Reich - there were a large number of individuals and organizations (such as Zygota in Poland) that risked (and sometimes lost) their lives in the effort to save Jews? They saved thousands of Jewish children from the Nazi, smuggled them out of the Warsaw Getto and hid with Polish families

Thursday, April 24, 2008

Robert Satloff - Muslim Heroes of the Holocaust.

Robert Satloff - Muslim Heroes of the Holocaust.

Saturday, April 19, 2008


From NASZ DZIENNIK - Warsaw, Poland

"Nearly all the literature written to this day - and many books as well as articles have been written about the uprising of the Warsaw Jews - is either a terrible falsification by those seeking their own fame while forgetting about others, or it is a mistake which results from a lack of knowledge and trusting relationship with surviving eyewitnesses, who fabricated their stories and shortened versions, making others look less significant and themselves more appealing - wrote Chaim Lazar-Litai in his book Masada in Warsaw.

There was also official communist propaganda in Poland which gave a false picture of the uprising from the very beginning.
The Jewish Fighting Organization (ZOB - Zydowska Organizacja Bojowa) acted as the only counted-for participant in the uprising, despite the fact that her real involvement in the uprising was secondary. Her unveiling by communist historians, was decided by the official pro-Soviet orientation. As a consequence, the Polish leaders silenced the participation of the closely knit with the Polish Home Army, Jewish Military Organization (ZZW - Zydowski Zwiazek Wojskowy). With many more men, better armory, and trained by Polish instructors, they held a long lasting resistance against the Germans (from the 19th until the 27th of April 1943). For a comparison - badly armed and unprepared for combat, the warriors of ZOB were only able to defend themselves effectively for about eleven hours on the first day of the uprising. The fall of communism did not stop the conspiracy regarding ZZW. To this day there are plenty of those supporting the 'historical killing' of the truth about the participation of ZZW soldiers in the uprising. A demand for this enormous lie still exists; the only thing that has changed is its foundation. The Polish vision of "anti-Semitism", forced by pro-Jews and the Jewish movement cannot stand to measure up with facts from Polish-Jewish brothers in arms. In the midst of rampant lies and half-truths about the Polish Warsaw Uprising, it is worth to take a look at two Jewish publications The truth about the Warsaw uprising authored by Jewish publicist Aleksandra Swiszczewa, who appeared in "Shalom New York", as well as "Changing faces of memory: Who defended the Warsaw Ghetto?" by Moshe Arsen, published in the "Jerusalem Post" on April 23rd 2003.

The beginnings of ZZW
In November 1939, four Jews came to Captain Henry Iwanski's home, officer from the Armed Battle Organization (ZWZ - Zwiazek Walki Zbrojnej). They were officers from the Polish Army - with Lieutenant David Mordechai Apfelbaum. They came forth with a proposal to create a Jewish fighting group, which would become part of the Polish underground. Towards the end of December the group came to life (it counted 39 people), made an oath and received the name of Jewish Military Association. After the oath, Captain Iwanski handed ZZW members 39 guns. On January 30th 1940, information about the emerging of ZZW was sent to General Sikorski. During the years 1940-1942, ZZW cells appeared all over Poland; the strongest links were in Lublin, Lwow and Stanislawow. The base of the organization was created by the members of the youthful organization "Betar" as well as two Zionist organizations. The main goal of ZZW in 1940 was the crossing of its members, particularly the officers, through the Polish-Hungarian border, to the Polish squads formed in France and England.

Extermination of Jews and the left's weakness
During the summer of 1942, the Germans began their planned annihilation of the Warsaw ghetto. This so called 'great action' lasted from July 22nd until September 21st. Over three hundred thousand Warsaw Jews were sent to Treblinka and Majdanek. There remained only about fifty thousand people in the ghetto (according to official German statistics this number was about 35 000). Only then did the Zionist members of the socialist left-wing party decide to form their organization (along with Bund and the communists). Until this time they had not operated any underground activity. "We were the real authority in the ghetto. We decided how those remaining in the ghetto would live. They called us 'the party'. When the party ordered something, it was done immediately", remembers Mark Edelman about the Soviet order which reigned in the communist structures. There were no officers from the Polish Army during ZOB's entire existence.

Preparation and organization of ZZW
During this time the Jewish Military Organization had already been active two and a half years. Its members received weapons from the Polish Home Army and were learning how to use them. For this reason, an instructor, Captain from the Polish Home Army, came to see them on a regular basis from the city. From the memoirs of Henry Iwanski, officer from the Security Corps of the Polish Home Army, responsible for links with Jewish organizations, we find out that in the summer of 1942, 320 armed soldiers served in ZZW. During the period of the so-called 'great action' they hid in underground bunkers. For this reason, only about 15-20 of them were killed. The ZZW leader, David Apfelbaum, was warned by the Security Corpus about the approaching of the German action. He informed the Judenrat leader, Czerniakow, and suggested a resistance. In July 1942, a ghetto society meeting took place with Czerniakow and his replacement Lichtenbaum. Apfelbaum and Iwanski presented a report of the situation. Their suggestions were rejected. The leaders of ZZW did not decide to step against the Germans, thinking that they would probably be the ones blamed for this bloody massacre. Of major importance, as we can understand from Iwanski's memoirs, is the fact that from the very beginning of the 'great action', the organization was cut off from its weapon supplies; it could therefore not have done much in terms of resistance. The first open intervention against the Germans occurred in January 1943, when ZZW counted already 500 people. The structure of the organization confirms these figures. It was based on so-called 'fives' - four soldiers and one leader. Three 'fives' formed a squad, four squads formed a platoon. Four platoons formed a company (240 people). In the beginning of January 1943, ZZW counted two armed and equipped companies, as well as two 'skeleton' companies. These had no soldiers or arms, but it was assumed that during the uprising a mass of volunteers would fill its ranks. In April 1943, this task was completed.

Disproportions in the arming of ZZW and ZOB
The main weapon supplier for ZZW was the Safety Corpus of the Polish Home Army. From June 1942 until the beginning of the April 1943 uprising (this is how the Warsaw ghetto uprising is described in Jewish historiography) the Safety Corpus sent to the ghetto 3 heavy machine guns, 100 handguns, 7 rifles, 15 automatic guns and about 750 grenades. After the beginning of the uprising they sent an additional 4 machine guns, one light machine gun, 11 automatic guns, 50 handguns and 300 grenades. Apart from this, Henry Iwanski sent weapons to ZZW in 1941. In the first half of 1942, ZZW also received weapons from other groups of the Polish Home Army.
If we are to believe Mark Edelman, the best equipped for battle was his maternal ZOB. "Bund was the one political organization which had money. Arbeter Ring, a New York based worker's organization, to which belonged the chief of the American Trade Union, Dubinski, as well as comrades Pat and Held, sent us money from the very beginning. On the other hand the Zionists had not a penny. Their comrades from Palestine abandoned them", explains Edelman. He also added that another way of 'taking money' was 'terrorizing' 'rich Jews', 'smugglers', as well as 'Jewish policemen'. "We robbed the Judenrat cash drawer for hundreds of thousands of zloty; we also robbed the supplying company. We even went as far as kidnapping the son of Mark Lichtenbaum, leader of the Judenrat in Czerniakow when he refused to give us money. We wrote to Lichtenbaum that we have his son with his feet in ice cold water, so he will certainly get sick. They finally came with the money. On a different occasion, a Jewish policeman didn't want to give money. We had to show him that we were tough. We came to see him at around four o'clock, when the time for the ultimatum was up. "You don't want to give?" we asked and shot him. After this episode everybody paid. We never lacked money.
In the meantime Alexander Swiszczew, calling upon the memoirs of B. Jaworski (communist and leader of one of the ZOB groups) constantly gives an alarming state of weaponry of ZOB. "In January 1943 they had at their disposition 2 guns and one grenade, and this after 5 months of hard work. On April 19th ZOB had 70 handguns (50 of which they received from ZZW, and 10 from Polish communists). They had not a single machine gun... What more - no a single men who has ever see one, let alone the knowledge to use one. The numbers of ZOB (according to its official data) were 500 people during the uprising, but according to later memoirs of ZOB leaders it was only about 200-300 people. In the meantime the count for ZZW members during the uprising reached 1500 people (according to the memoirs of captain Zajdler and a few other officers of the Polish Home Army). The fact that ZZW also accepted into its ranks just about any person who was willing also influenced their numbers. They did not look at their party allegiance. Only the leadership remained revisionist. Among the leaders of medium rank we find a member of Bund, a member of Arudat-Israel and a communist. Joining with ZZW on autonomous principles, was the Hassidic organization from Braclaw and the left-wing socialist group of Richard Walewski, which ZOB did not accept for "not belonging to the Zionist camp". Neither did the communists and Bund, but they were accepted into ZOB for unknown reasons. It is also worth adding that ZZW numbers of 1500 fighters do not include all the different people which joined during the uprising. No one knows how many they were.

Left-wing party enlistment
Unlike ZZW, ZOB was created on purely political motives. The parties entering into this organization formed their own companies. There were 22 of them. Bund had 4 companies, the communists 4, and the remaining 15 belonged to the Zionist camp. Those without a political affiliation were not accepted into ZOB. They were not allowed acceptance lest there was a shortage of weapons. Because of these reasons, the numbers of ZOB could not have risen during the uprising. Another problem deepened this fact, because ZOB was mainly oriented on the Soviet Union and was looking for a link with the communist underground, counting on its help. Unfortunately, this help could not be given because of the weakness and small number of members.
The ZZW tried to work jointly with ZOB. There were many discussions about the union of the two organizations; unfortunately the left-wing Zionists continued their pre-war line of boycott of "fascists-revisionists". Nevertheless, they came to an agreement to collaborate, but separately. The ghetto territory was divided into two military districts. Each organization was responsible for its district. The ZZW also gave ZOB some of its weapons: 50 handguns and a few grenades, which became a big part of ZOB's weapons. "I will take a chance by saying that the lack of unity played a positive role. If the uprising was led by the chiefs of ZOB, and this is what uniting would have done, it would have weakened the resistance", convinces Alexander Swiszczew.

16 hours of ZOB
The author leaves absolutely no doubt as to the proportionally small participation of ZOB in the uprising: "The first German attacks on the ghetto were directed at ZOB positions near Nalewki and Zamenhof streets. ZOB warriors held a resistance for 16 hours, they set a tank on fire and eliminated from battle some twenty German soldiers; they then retreated. This marks the end of ZOB involvement in the uprising. But it is worth adding that some scattered ZOB groups were still active. On April 20th they still held a resistance while the Germans were destroying individual bunkers. What can be called "the uprising in the Warsaw ghetto" really lasted from April 17th until the 27th. The Germans were not fighting with ZOB.

ZZW under Polish and Jewish, ZOB under the red flag
After 16 hours of defense by ZOB, the Germans approached the Muranowski Square. It is here that the longest lasting position battle took place. The Square was the center of the ZZW district. The main ZZW staff was in house number 7. At Muranowski Square, in house number 17, Polish and Jewish flags were visible (the only ZOB flag which was seized by the Germans after their attack on the Anielewicz bunker was a red flag). A tunnel led into the basement of house number 7, which was used by ZZW to receive weapons and ammunitions from the city. ZZW warriors also dug 6 tunnels in different parts of the ghetto. One of them was discovered by the Germans even before the beginning of the uprising. ZOB didn't have a single tunnel. It is through this road that Josef Lejbski, linked with the Polish Home Army, supplied a heavy machine gun on the night of April 18th to 19th. It was mounted in the attic of house number 17 and strengthened considerably the power of ZZW. In the April 19th battles at the Muranowski Square, German soldiers tried to take the flag but they did not succeed until April 22nd.
The leader of the ghetto pacification, Brigadenfuhrer SS Jurgen von Stroop in his prison talk with Kazimierz Moczarski, admitted that "the problem of the flag had enormous political and moral implications". They united the nation around a right-wing government, especially Poles and Jews. Even a German criminal knew that this was impossible under the red flag. Reichsfuhrer Himmler shouted into the telephone: "Stroop, you must take down those two flags at any cost". Stroop received a First Class Eisen Kreuz for the pacifying of the ghetto.

The courage of the allies
In the meantime, the uprising seemed to be strangled. However, on April 27th squads of the Polish Home Army came with help. Major Henry Iwanski's squad walked through the tunnel and began to fight with the Germans. Simultaneously on the Muranowski Square, the soldiers of ZZW attacked the Germans. Both squads united together. In his report directed to Krakow he described the battle of ZZW with the Polish Home Army: "The main Jewish fighting group, in which Polish bandits also took place, retired the first or second day to a square called Muranowski. It became reinforced by a considerable number of Polish bandits. (...) On the roof of a building they put up Polish and Jewish flags as a sign of a war against us".
A part of ZZW Poles anticipated leaving the ghetto and joining the "Aryan side". David Apfelbaum refused to leave the ghetto because he had no links with many ZZW groups which were in other locations. Only a small number of warriors, 34, came out. For many hours, the Poles covered their evacuation, suffering much casuality. Major Iwanski was hurt, and both his sons, Edward and Roman were killed. The Germans lost over 100 people and one tank. In the April 27th battles, David Apfelbaum was severely wounded and died the following day. On April 29th the remaining ZZW warriors, which had lost all their leaders, left the ghetto through the Muranowski tunnel and became relocated in the Michalin Forest. This was the end of the main battles. It was the beginning of the penetration inside the ghetto and destruction of bunkers.

The last days of the uprising
From Stroop's report: "Unfolding of operation 29.04.43 (...). 36 bunkers intended as living quarters were found. From these and other hiding places, 2359 Jews were taken out, and 106 of these Jews died in battle (...). Forces: same as yesterday, no causalities. Unfolding of operation 2.05.43. We found 27 bunkers (...). Amongst the wounded - 4 German policemen, 4 Polish policemen. 6.05.43 (...). The Unterscharfuhrer SS was wounded (...). 47 bunkers were also destroyed, two people were wounded.
It is clear that during the destruction of the bunkers (631 were destroyed in total); the Germans also had a number of casualties. But these losses (106 Jews died in combat and not a single German was even wounded) are not comparable to the loss in the first days. Finally, the uprising was strangled on June 5th when the last battle took place with the Germans. Everything took place at the Muranowski Square. This time, the battle with the Germans was led by a group of Jewish criminals, without any link to either ZZW or ZOB. During the climax of finding and destroying bunkers, a small group of ZZW warriors entered the ghetto from the Aryan side and on May 5-6 they evacuated Jewish civilians into the city. By trying to camouflage the civilians, on May 6th, all the fighters were killed.

The ZOB evacuation
At the beginning of May, ZOB discovered a way out through the sewer system and left the ghetto. They would have escaped earlier perhaps, but they did not know the way since they did not have their own tunnels. As they were leaving the ghetto, they also left their warriors scattered in various places. From the memoirs of one of the members of the leadership of ZOB, it seems that they refused to take with them civilians and Jews without any political affiliations who were asking them for help.
Mordechaj Anielewicz refused to escape. On May 8th his bunker was surrounded by the Germans. Anielewicz, along with his fellow warriors were killed. According to some less trustworthy sources, Anielewicz killed himself earlier, before the bunker was surrounded by the Germans.

Apfelbaum led, not Anielewicz
"Various sources seem to indicate that the battle with the Germans was not led by the 'pacifists' from ZOB, but rather by the 'militants' of ZZW. Among the 1300 killed and wounded Germans, the ZOB hardly killed over a hundred of them. In agreement with this, the real leader of the uprising was not Mordechaj Anielewicz, but Lieutenant David Apfelbaum" (After his death he was advanced to the rank of Major) - believes Swiszczew.
A cited Jewish publicist strongly rejects slanderous talks of the Polish Home Army's idle watching of the destruction of the ghetto: "It is important to admit to false allegations of ZOB leaders (and all except Anielewicz survived) and Polish communists about the refusal by the Polish Home Army to help those fighting in the ghetto. Of course, the half million men Polish Home Army could have shown a greater help, but can we blame her for this?"

The communists sold ZOB
Alexander Swiszczew presents rather straightforwardly the communists' role and position of ZOB, who trusted them: "The Polish communists' interest in throwing mud at their political adversaries is understandable, as is ZOB's anger towards them. But if we must blame someone for the 'selling' of the ghetto uprising, it would be the Polish communists. The Polish Home Army showed great support, even if it was only towards 'their own Jews'. During this time, the communists sent 'their own Jews' only 10 handguns. It was enough for Anielewicz to shoot himself..."
The Jewish publicist suggests upfront that removing the truth about the participation of ZOB soldiers from history, takes away the facts from the Jewish resistance movement's best achievements. This is why - he convinces - "most of the lies spread around the uprising would not necessarily be presented by increasing the role of 'our own' and attacking 'strangers'. Complaining during the war is a normal thing. The biggest scare comes from the fact that these lies are used to calumniate the entire Jewish nation. Yet, the entire Jewish nation was walking like a 'lamb to the slaughterhouse', and for this reason the heroes of the uprising held a resistance".

A calling for the truth
In his book The Ghetto is Fighting, published shortly after the war, Edelman does not even mention ZZW. Another member of ZOB, Isaac Cukierman talks ignorantly about this organization. Yet there are testimonies from members of ZZW. Even in 1946, a small pamphlet appeared 'The truth about the Warsaw ghetto uprising'. Various memoirs of former ZZW members were published. In the 1960's a lot of material was gathered and systemized in Chaiman Lazarus-Litai's book Masada in Warsaw. Let us add to the list Muranowska 7, by Lazarus, published in 1966. Three years earlier David Wdowinski published a book in New York, And we are not saved, in which the publicist presents himself as one of the leaders of the Warsaw ghetto uprising. It is also worth remembering Marian Apfelbaum's book Two Standards: the Thing about the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, whose worth Anka Grupinska tried to diminish in 'Tygodnik Powszechny' (Searching for the (only) historical truth, 29.06.2003). Apfelbaum reminded about the Polish Home Army's role as an ally of the Jewish insurgents.

The perpetuity of lies or the past?
Even doctor Mark Edelman, one of the ZOB participants in the uprising, often called ZZW soldiers 'fascists'. He was convinced that ZOB lead the uprising. Later in the book interview Guardian, Mark Edelman tells about his trying to disregard and forget the past. "It is not important who shot where, how, and where they jumped. My purpose is not to give a testimony of the soldier's courage" - he explains. Edelman also unwillingly refers to the facts in the conversation with Hanna Krall, when he admitted that in the uprising, only about 200-220 warriors from his organization fought. "It doesn't matter" - he explains to Jew Michail Rumerow-Zarajewow. "Everything is nothing around the perpetuity of the past". The truth seems especially insignificant for certain Jewish scholars.

ZOB dishonored and the Holocaust enterprise
Paul Shapiro attempts to remember the true role of ZZW in 'Reczpospolita' ("The Jewish Military Organization - history's white stain", 5-6.07.2003 as well as: "The Unknown History. The Jewish Fighting Organization, The Jewish Military Association. A short course on remembering and forgetting"). Without hesitation, Shapiro writes about the damaging role of the ZOB propagandists, who built their own legend on ZZW's corpse: "To make sure that we are remembered and not forgotten, it is not sufficient to know how to use a machine gun; you have to always surround yourself with strategic weapons. On the example of our own country's 'London list' containing names of the ZOB fighters murdered in the ghetto uprising, names of people having nothing in common with the uprising but who were politically close were added. May I add that the person adding these names benefited from an excessive memory" - writes Shapiro. In his opinion, ZOB fighters make up one of the pillars of the Holocaust enterprise. Coming face to face with the truth about the general involvement of ZZW in the uprising, which was supported by the Polish Home Army, would have certainly shattered the interest of the support movements. It is not very polite to request compensation from the allies, but it is a lot simpler from a 'Polish anti-Semites'.
"60 years have gone by since the beginning of the uprising in the Warsaw ghetto. Because it has become legendary, it should be freed from political prejudice and truthfully narrated with a straightforward relating of events. We owe this to the heroes of the uprising" - concluded Moshe Arens in The Jerusalem Post, concerned about this since the soldiers of ZZW could not write down their history. The insolence of leaders from the Jewish World Congress, who need 'Polish collaboration' in the emerging of the Auschwitz concentration camp, is the newest reminder of this. There are strong insinuations that the truth about the Polish-Jewish brothers in arms of the Polish Home Army - the ZZW - will not be eternalized in the Museum of Polish Jews in Warsaw - jointly created using Polish money - if the Polish side does not request this accomplishment.
The historical suicide of the Polish-Jewish brothers in arms heroes has produced deep and unhealed wounds in the memory of both nations. As long as, in the name of genuine ghetto heroes, usurpers are crying out praises asking for ten of millions of dollars for so-called compensation, the picture of a Jew in the eyes of a Pole - and vice-versa - will be distorted. There is consequently not a great deal of opportunity for a full normalization of relations between our nations without recalling the beautiful cards of a common history and removing any fire of its implementation.

By Waldemar Moszkowski

Wednesday, April 16, 2008

Sendler Irena Mother of the Holocaust Children

Sendler Irena Mother of the Holocaust Children

Poland was the only country in all of Nazi-occupied Europe with death penalty for sheltering Jews. Germans knew how sympathetic Poles were to Polish Jews and in that way they could get rid of them both. Entire families, sometimes whole towns were murdered for sheltering Jews.

Cobalt4you (1 week ago) Marked as spam Reply | Spam What about the fact that - despite the overwhelming and deadly idea of antisemitism in the Third Reich - there were a large number of individuals and organizations (such as Zygota in Poland) that risked (and sometimes lost) their lives in the effort to save Jews? They saved thousands of Jewish children from the Nazi, smuggled them out of the Warsaw Getto and hid with Polish families?

"Myśląc Ojczyzna" red. Stanisław Michalkiewicz why Poland has to Pay for the Hitler's War?

"Myśląc Ojczyzna" red. Stanisław Michalkiewicz why Poland has to Pay for the Hitler's War? (2008-04-16)
Dotacja dla dobra Polski i Radio Maryja jedynej ostoi niezaleznych mediow.
Polacy w kraju i na obczyznie pomagajmy sobie
A real hero - Witold Pilecki - A Volunteer for Auschwitz

Witold Pilecki escaped from Auschwitz on the Easter Monday 1943, he also survived the Warsaw Uprising an the German POW camp in Germany.

He returned to Poland after the war and started organizing resistance
against the communists.

When he learnt that the Allies would not help to liberate Poland from the Soviets he started demobilizing the military underground organization.

It was then, that the communists arrested him.
Witold Pilecki was born May 13, 1901, in Olonets on the shores of Lake Ladoga in Karelia, Russia, where his family had been forcibly resettled by Tsarist Russian authorities after the suppression of Poland's January Uprising of 1863–1864. His grandfather, Józef Pilecki, had spent seven years in exile in Siberia for his part in the uprising. In 1910, Pilecki moved with his family to Wilno (now Vilnius, Lithuania), where he completed Commercial School and joined the secret ZHP Scouts organization. In 1916, he moved to Orel, Russia, where he founded a local ZHP group.[1]

During World War I, in 1918, Pilecki joined Polish self-defense units in the Wilno area, and, under General Władysław Wejtka, helped collect weapons and disarm retreating, demoralized German troops in what became the prelude to the Vilna offensive. He subsequently took part in the Polish-Soviet War of 1919–1920. Serving under Major Jerzy Dąbrowski, he commanded a ZHP Scout section. When his sector of the front was overrun by the Bolsheviks, his unit for a time conducted partisan warfare behind enemy lines. Pilecki later joined the regular Polish Army and fought in the Polish retreat from Kiev as part of a cavalry unit defending Grodno (in present-day Belarus). On August 5, 1920, he joined the 211th Uhlan Regiment and fought in the crucial Battle of Warsaw and at Rudniki Forest (Puszcza Rudnicka) and took part in the liberation of Wilno. He was twice awarded the Krzyż Walecznych (Cross of Valor) for gallantry.[1]

After the Polish-Soviet War ended in 1921 with the Peace of Riga, Pilecki passed his high-school graduation exams (matura) in Wilno and in 1926, was demobilized with the rank of cavalry ensign. In the interbellum, he worked on his family's farm in the village of Sukurcze.[1] On April 7, 1931, he married Maria Pilecka (1906 – February 6, 2002), née Ostrowska. They had two children, born in Wilno: Andrzej (January 16, 1932) and Zofia (March 14, 1933).

[edit] World War II breaks out
Shortly before the outbreak of World War II, on August 26, 1939, Pilecki was mobilized and joined the 19th Polish Infantry Division of Army Prusy as a cavalry-platoon commander. His unit took part in heavy fighting in the Invasion of Poland against the advancing Germans and was partially destroyed. Pilecki's platoon withdrew southeast toward Lwów (now L'viv, in Ukraine) and the Romanian bridgehead and was incorporated into the recently formed 41st Infantry Division. During the September Campaign, Pilecki and his men destroyed seven German tanks and shot down two aircraft. On September 17, after the Soviet Union invaded eastern Poland pursuant to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, Pilecki's division was disbanded and he returned to Warsaw with his commander, Major Jan Włodarkiewicz.[1]

On November 9, 1939, the two men founded the Secret Polish Army (Tajna Armia Polska, TAP), one of the first underground organizations in Poland. Pilecki became its organizational commander and expanded TAP to cover not only Warsaw but Siedlce, Radom, Lublin and other major cities of central Poland. By 1940, TAP had approximately 8,000 men (more than half of them armed), some 20 machine guns and several anti-tank rifles. Later, the organization was incorporated into the Home Army (Armia Krajowa) and became the core of the Wachlarz unit.[1]

[edit] The Auschwitz campaign: 945 days

Street roundup in northern Warsaw's Żoliborz district, 1941In 1940, Pilecki presented to his superiors a plan to enter Germany's Auschwitz concentration camp at Oświęcim (the Polish name of the locality), gather intelligence on the camp from the inside, and organize inmate resistance. Until then, little had been known about the Germans' running of the camp, and it was thought to be an internment camp or large prison rather than a death camp. His superiors approved the plan and provided him a false identity card in the name of "Tomasz Serafiński." On September 19, 1940, he deliberately went out during a Warsaw street roundup (łapanka), and was caught by the Germans along with some 2,000 innocent civilians (among them, Władysław Bartoszewski). After two days of torture in Wehrmacht barracks, the survivors were sent to Auschwitz. Pilecki was tattooed on his forearm with the number 4859.[1]

Auschwitz concentration camp photos of Pilecki.At Auschwitz, while working in various kommandos and surviving pneumonia, Pilecki organized an underground Union of Military Organizations (Związek Organizacji Wojskowych, ZOW). ZOW's tasks were to improve inmate morale, provide news from outside, distribute extra food and clothing to members, set up intelligence networks, and train detachments to take over the camp in the event of a relief attack by the Home Army, arms airdrops, or an airborne landing by the Polish 1st Independent Parachute Brigade, based in Britain.[1]

By 1941, ZOW had grown substantially. Members included the famous Polish sculptor Xawery Dunikowski and ski champion Bronisław Czech, and worked in the camp's SS administration office (Mrs. Rachwalowa, Capt. Rodziewicz, Mr. Olszowka, Mr. Jakubski, Mr. Miciukiewicz), the storage magazines (Mr. Czardybun) and the Sonderkommando, which burned human corpses (Mr. Szloma Dragon and Mr. Henryk Mendelbaum). The organization had its own underground court and supply lines to the outside. Thanks to civilians living nearby, the organization regularly received medical supplies.[1]

ZOW provided the Polish underground with priceless information on the camp. Many smaller underground organizations at Auschwitz eventually merged with ZOW. In the autumn of 1941, Colonel Jan Karcz was transferred to the newly-created Birkenau death camp, where he proceeded to organize ZOW structures. By spring of 1942, the organization had over 1,000 members, including women and people of other nationalities, at most of the sub-camps. The inmates constructed a radio receiver and hid it in the camp hospital.[1]

From October 1940, ZOW sent reports to Warsaw, and beginning March 1941, Pilecki's reports were being forwarded via the Polish resistance to the British government in London. These reports were a principal source of intelligence on Auschwitz for the Western Allies. Pilecki hoped that either the Allies would drop arms or troops into the camp, or the Home Army would organize an assault on it from outside. By 1943, however, he realized that no such plans existed. Meanwhile the Gestapo redoubled its efforts to ferret out ZOW members, succeeding in killing many of them. Pilecki decided to break out of the camp, with the hope of personally convincing Home Army leaders that a rescue attempt was a valid option. When he was assigned to a night shift at a camp bakery outside the fence, he and two comrades overpowered a guard, cut the phone line and escaped on the night of April 26–April 27, 1943, taking along documents stolen from the Germans. In the event of capture, they were prepared to swallow cyanide. After several days, with the help of local civilians, they contacted Home Army units. Pilecki submitted another detailed report on conditions at Auschwitz.[1]

[edit] Back outside Auschwitz: the Warsaw Uprising.
On August 25, 1943, Pilecki reached Warsaw and joined the Home Army's intelligence department. The Home Army, after losing several operatives in reconnoitering the vicinity of the camp, including the Cichociemny commando Stefan Jasieński, decided that it lacked sufficient strength to capture the camp without Allied help. Pilecki's detailed report (Raport Witolda—"Witold's Report") was sent to London. The British authorities refused the Home Army air support for an operation to help the inmates escape. An air raid was considered too risky, and Home Army reports on Nazi atrocities at Auschwitz were deemed to be gross exaggerations (Pilecki wrote: "During the first 3 years, at Auschwitz there perished 2 million people; in the next 2 years—3 million"). The Home Army in turn decided that it didn't have enough force to storm the camp by itself.[1]

Pilecki was soon promoted to cavalry captain (rotmistrz) and joined a secret anti-communist organization, NIE ("NO or NIEpodleglosc - independence"), formed as a secret organization within the Home Army with the goal of preparing resistance against a possible Soviet occupation.[1]

When the Warsaw Uprising broke out on August 1, 1944, Pilecki volunteered for the Kedyw's Chrobry II group. At first, he fought in the northern city center without revealing his actual rank, as a simple private. Later, he disclosed his true identity and accepted command of the 2nd Company, fighting in the Towarowa and Pańska Streets area. His forces held a fortified area called the "Great Bastion of Warsaw". It was one of the most outlying partisan redoubts and caused considerable difficulties for German supply lines. The bastion held for two weeks in the face of constant attacks by German infantry and armor. On the capitulation of the uprising, Pilecki hid some weapons in a private apartment and went into captivity. He spent the rest of the war in German prisoner-of-war camps at Łambinowice and Murnau.[1]

[edit] Soviet take over of Poland
After July 11, 1945, Pilecki joined the 2nd Polish Corps. He received orders to clandestinely transport a large sum of money to Soviet-occupied Poland, but the operation was called off. In September 1945, he was ordered by General Władysław Anders to return to Poland and gather intelligence to be sent to the Polish Government in Exile.[1]

He went back and proceeded to organize his intelligence network, while also writing a monograph on Auschwitz. In the spring of 1946, however, the Polish Government in Exile decided that the postwar political situation afforded no hope of Poland's liberation and ordered all partisans still in the forests either to return to their normal civilian lives or to escape to the West. Pilecki declined to leave, but proceeded to dismantle the partisan forces in eastern Poland. In April 1947, he began collecting evidence on Soviet atrocities and on the prosecution of Poles (mostly members of the Home Army and the 2nd Polish Corps) and their executions or imprisonment in Soviet gulags.[1]

Photos of Pilecki from Warsaw's Mokotow prison (1947).On May 8, 1947, he was arrested by the Polish security service (Urząd Bezpieczeństwa). Prior to trial, he was repeatedly tortured but revealed no sensitive information and sought to protect other prisoners. On March 3, 1948, a staged trial took place. Testimony against him was presented by a future Polish prime minister, Józef Cyrankiewicz, himself an Auschwitz survivor. Pilecki was accused of illegal crossing of the borders, use of forged documents, not enlisting with the military, carrying illegal arms, espionage for general Władysław Anders (head of the military of the Polish Government in Exile) and preparing an assassination on several officials from the Ministry of Public Security of Poland. Pilecki denied the assassination charges, as well as espionage (although he admitted to passing information to the II Polish Corps of whom he considered himself an officer and thus claimed that he was not breaking any laws); he pleaded guilty to the other charges. On May 15, with three of his comrades, he was sentenced to death. Ten days later, on May 25, 1948, he was executed at Warsaw's Mokotow Prison on ulica Rakowiecka (Rakowiecka Street)

Pilecki's conviction was part of a prosecution of Home Army members and others connected with the Polish Government in Exile in London. In 2003, the prosecutor and several others involved in the trial were charged with complicity in Pilecki's murder. Cyrankiewicz escaped similar proceedings, having died.[1]

After Poland regained its independence, Witold Pilecki and all others sentenced in the staged trial were rehabilitated on October 1, 1990. In 1995, he received posthumously the Order of Polonia Restituta.

His place of burial has never been found. He is thought to have been buried in a rubbish dump near Warsaw's Powązki Cemetery.

Until 1989, information on his exploits and fate was suppressed by the Polish communist regime.[1]

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Ciekawe, dlaczego Unia Europejska tak bardzo nienawidzi Radia Maryja? Czy w trosce o "pluralizm mediów"? Tu właśnie wychodzi szydło z worka: Radio Maryja jest przedmiotem kampanii agresji i nienawiści, ponieważ jest to radio katolickie.

Na tle rozdziału II Karty Praw Podstawowych nasuwają się pewne uwagi. Tytuł rozdziału: "Wolności", mógłby być zastąpiony słowem "swobody", ponieważ z konstrukcji tego rozdziału wynika, że chodzi tu o pewną przestrzeń bezpieczeństwa pozostawioną jednostce przez najwyższy autorytet państwa. W art. 6 bowiem oba pojęcia: "wolność i bezpieczeństwo osobiste", nawzajem się wyjaśniają. A więc nie chodzi tu o wolność w znaczeniu etycznym, jako zdolność woli ludzkiej do podejmowania decyzji w świetle poznanej prawdy, ani o wolność woli w znaczeniu ontologicznym, jako zdolność autodeterminacji (na czym opiera się wolność etyczna jako zdolność wyboru dobra i odrzucenia zła).

Dominacja perspektywy indywidualistycznej
Uwaga dokumentu jest skupiona na sytuacji prawno-społecznej jednostki, właśnie jednostki jako składnika społeczeństwa, a nie osoby (jak to precyzyjnie odróżniał Maritain). Można więc powiedzieć, że ten rozdział (a przez to cały dokument) jest obciążony "zboczeniem indywidualistycznym", czyli ogranicza prawdę wolności do perspektywy jednostki, wskutek czego ta perspektywa jest oderwana od głębszych podstaw ontycznych (transcendentnych).
Główna luka prawna pojawia się w tych tematach, w których używa się takich słów, jak: "życie rodzinne", "dom", "małżeństwo", "rodzina" (art. 7 i 9). Jakkolwiek bowiem mówi się o czymś takim jak "rodzina", to sens przepisu dotyczy tylko przestrzeni swobody jednostki, natomiast zupełnie wymyka się jego treści tak poważna, fundamentalna rzeczywistość, jak małżeństwo i rodzina. Nawet w art. 9 "prawo do zawarcia małżeństwa" i "prawo do założenia rodziny" są potraktowane rozdzielnie, tak jakby między nimi nie zachodziła jakaś więź istotna, owszem, o poziomie antropologicznym, aby nie powiedzieć - metafizycznym. Takie potraktowanie "prawa do małżeństwa" i "prawa do rodziny" zawiera bardzo poważne implikacje zarówno w stosunku do filozofii społecznej, jak i do etosu społecznego. Może bowiem oznaczać, że w tej koncepcji społeczeństwa (a prawo zawsze wyraża i zakłada określoną koncepcję społeczeństwa) małżeństwo i rodzina stanowią rzeczywistości marginalne, nieobowiązujące, o znaczeniu jedynie prywatnym, na poziomie utylitarnym. Po drugie - takie rozłączne traktowanie tych "praw" (w sensie "swobód") oznacza, że prawodawca przewiduje sytuacje i z góry je aprobuje, kiedy małżeństwo nie ma nic wspólnego z rodziną lub (co na jedno wychodzi) rodzina nie ma nic wspólnego z małżeństwem. Jest to podstawowy błąd, który pokazuje, że prawodawca albo nie rozumie, że ta wspólnota ludzka opiera się na prawie naturalnym, czyli jest odpowiedzialna za potwierdzenie najgłębszej prawdy człowieczeństwa (w której małżeństwo i rodzina są czymś nierozdzielnym), albo tę relację celowo pomija, aby umożliwić różne "modyfikacje" rodziny i tym samym legalizację różnych dewiacji antropologicznych i moralnych na życzenie określonych "lobby" upominających się o swoje "swobody". Wzięcie w nawias rodziny jako fundamentu społeczeństwa otwiera drogę do legalizacji zastępczych form "rodzinopodobnych" zajmujących miejsce rodziny w systemie prawnym społeczeństwa. Takie postawienie sprawy fałszuje cały sens prawa i przekreśla ludzki charakter społeczeństwa. Tymczasem Papież Benedykt XVI po raz kolejny upominał się o respektowanie prawa naturalnego, zabierając głos 7 stycznia br. na spotkaniu z korpusem dyplomatycznym akredytowanym przy Stolicy Apostolskiej.

Myśl wolna i pusta
Podobna luka prawna pojawia się w art. 10, gdzie jest mowa o "wolności myśli, sumienia i religii". Tu również podmiotem tych "wolności" jest jednostka, nawet kiedy korzysta ze swego prawa "wspólnie z innymi", nawet "publicznie". Pomija się zupełnie fakt, że ponad jednostkami i ponad grupami i wspólnotami jednostek istnieje rzeczywistość wyższa, to jest Kościół, czyli Chrystus, i istnieje nie "ponad" osobami ludzkimi, lecz w nich, nadając im nową formę zjednoczenia, ponieważ czyni ich "jednym ciałem", a więc obrazem tej jedności, jaka panuje w łonie Trójcy Przenajświętszej (por. "Gaudium et spes", 24). Perspektywa obecna w Karcie zupełnie nie uwzględnia tego wymiaru podmiotowości, która jest właściwa Kościołowi, i wydaje się, że prawodawca albo zupełnie nie rozumie, że właśnie obecność Kościoła przywraca ludzkości jej właściwą prawdę wspólnotowego bytu, dzięki czemu społeczeństwo zostaje obdarzone nowym wymiarem podmiotowości, albo celowo ten aspekt "prawa do Chrystusowej religii" pomija, aby dać szansę różnym samozwańczym i nieokreślonym w swojej proweniencji "formacjom" i sektom pseudoreligijnym.
Prawodawca europejski zmusza w ten sposób Kościół do zejścia na poziom prywatnych form życia religijnego i do uznania swej "równości" z różnymi sektami Wschodu czy bałwochwalcami Zachodu. Takie ignorowanie pozycji Kościoła, zupełnie nieuzasadnione prawnie ani historycznie, wyrządza krzywdę nie tylko wierzącym, traktując ich jak sieroty pozbawione matki, ale także krzywdzi całą Europę, odbierając jej najważniejszy punkt odniesienia w kształtowaniu swej kulturowej i duchowej świadomości. Ktokolwiek trochę pomyślał o tym, co znaczy, że "Syn Boży stał się człowiekiem", miał szansę odrobinę przybliżyć się do prawdy, że Kościół nie jest obcym nalotem, jakimś desantem z Marsa lub z księżyca, lecz urzeczywistnieniem najgłębszej prawdy powołania ludzkiego, objawieniem przedwiecznej tajemnicy, którą Bóg przygotował i ukrył w samym sercu ludzkości. Kościół zawiera w sobie w stopniu nieskończenie wyższym prawdę ludzkości niż wszystkie "organizacje narodów zjednoczonych", które dotąd nie uświadomiły sobie, skąd pochodzą i do czego zmierzają, szczególnie, kiedy pod wpływem naukowej mitologii nie potrafią określić granicy między człowieczeństwem a życiem animalnym lub wegetatywnym.

Wolność bez prawdy
Analogicznie istnieje jeszcze trzecia luka prawna lub logiczna, w art. 11, mówiącym o "wolności wypowiedzi i informacji". Można w sposób uzasadniony postawić pytanie, czy nie należałoby sformułować prawa do swobody od informacji, od zalewu natrętnego hałasu medialnego, od powodzi dezinformacji i nachalnej propagandy. Artykuł 11 został sformułowany idyllicznie i romantycznie, niejako z góry zakładając równe szanse jednostki i supermagnatów i potentatów "informacji" poddających masy ludzkie operacji prasowania mózgów (wcześniej prania), prowadzących strategiczne kampanie przeciwko prawdzie i przeciw podstawowym wartościom moralnym, od których zależy istota życia ludzkiego. Dlaczego w art. 11 nie ma nic na temat podstawowego prawa do prawdy, o którym zdecydowanie pisał Jan Paweł II, na przykład w "Centesimus annus" par. 29? Samo prawo do "posiadania poglądów i przekazywania informacji" może prowadzić jedynie do pogłębiania zamętu informacyjnego i pomnażania zgiełku w eterze oraz przestrzeni komunikacji medialnej. Na marginesie "prawa do posiadania poglądów" można przypomnieć przypadek prof. Rocco Buttiglionego, który miał swój pogląd, ten pogląd nawet demokratycznie wypowiedział, ale mafia socjalistyczno-masońska uznała, że katolik nie może być komisarzem w Unii Europejskiej. Jak to pogodzić z brzmieniem Karty Praw Podstawowych, która tak mocno potępia "wszelką dyskryminację", niech się głowią ci "mędrcy", których podobno mają w Europie ustanowić, aby światłość zapanowała w europarlamencie.
Człowiek ma prawo do prawdy, do jej osiągania i do dzielenia się poznaną prawdą. Tej regule powinno być podporządkowane całe prawo dotyczące mediów i informacji. Jak dotychczas aktualna rzeczywistość polityczna w zakresie tematyki art. 11 jest totalnym zaprzeczeniem wolności wypowiedzi i informacji w Europie. Nic nie mówi się też o tym, że rozsiewanie kłamstw i oszczerstw przez media, jakiekolwiek, także państwowe, jest przestępstwem, które powinno być surowo karane, właśnie w imię wolności informacji. Podobnie rozpowszechnianie i propagowanie haseł, zasad i wzorów niemoralnych, na przykład zachowań homoseksualnych, pornograficznych, reklamowanie różnych form prostytucji zakamuflowanej różnymi pozorami reklamy czy kultury rozrywkowej, powinno być karane surowo, jako przestępstwo przeciw godności ludzkiej. Ale Karta nic o tym nie wie.
A może celowo stwarza taką próżnię moralną, aby nakręcać biznes mediów kryjących się za parawanem "pluralizmu"? Pojęcie pluralizmu powinno być tu jasno zdefiniowane. Bo jeśli na przykład w jakimś państwie 95 proc. mediów należy do grupy "posiadającej władzę medialną", a liczącej 1 proc. ludności, i uprawiającej przestępczą politykę antyreligijną i antynarodową, a pozostałe 5 proc. mediów należy - teoretycznie - do reszty społeczeństwa, które uprawia wewnętrzną komunikację na poziomie zaledwie inicjalnym, to nie mamy do czynienia z pluralizmem, lecz kolonializmem medialnym. Może też istnieć terroryzm medialny, jak o tym się przekonaliśmy, albo nawet może istnieć w mediach uprzywilejowanych i skorumpowanych takie nasilenie agresji i nienawiści do pewnych ludzi lub do pewnych ugrupowań, że takie zjawisko musi być określone jako bandytyzm medialny. Taką postawę mediów (i dziennikarzy) liberalnych, laickich, masońskich i żydowskich obserwujemy w ich wystąpieniach skierowanych przeciwko Radiu Maryja i Wyższej Szkole Kultury Społecznej i Medialnej - dziełom założonym przez o. Tadeusza Rydzyka. Powtarzam: tej postawy nie można nazwać inaczej niż "bandytyzm medialny". Z tym łączy się tchórzliwe milczenie (strategiczne przemilczanie) wszystkich pozytywnych faktów ukazujących prawdziwe, jasne, chwalebne oblicze Radia Maryja i związanych z nim dzieł. To tchórzliwe milczenie dziennikarzy zganił ostatnio w "Naszym Dzienniku" z 8 stycznia Wojciech Reszczyński.
Sama Karta Praw Podstawowych nic nie mówi o moralnych aspektach mediów i publicznej odpowiedzialności za prawdę. Chyba dlatego, że ten dokument zajmuje się tylko zjawiskiem emisji fal i strukturą dźwięku, natomiast pomija zupełnie stronę treściową informacji. To tak, jakby ktoś mówiąc o dostawach żywności (na przykład chleba), ustalał normy dotyczące barwy opakowania, nie troszcząc się o zawartość. Nieważne, czy w środku jest chleb, czy plewy i sieczka: to też podobno jest jadalne. Jeżeli w jakimś kraju niszczy się prawdziwie wolne i niezależne media, które rzeczywiście służą prawdzie i dobru całego narodu, to czy takie państwo jest jeszcze demokratyczne? Czy nie jest widomym znakiem państwa totalitarnego to, że nienawidzi ono wszelkich ośrodków opiniotwórczych o charakterze niezależnym i wolnym od "poprawności politycznej"? Ciekawe, dlaczego Unia Europejska tak bardzo nienawidzi Radia Maryja? Czy w trosce o "pluralizm mediów"? Tu właśnie wychodzi przysłowiowe "szydło z worka": Radio Maryja jest przedmiotem kampanii agresji i nienawiści, ponieważ to jest radio katolickie. To z kolei rzuca światło na stosunek prawa europejskiego do Kościoła katolickiego jako takiego, co jest widoczne także w kontekście innych artykułów Karty.

Nauka bez ograniczeń?
Pomijam art. 12; częściowo odnosi się do niego to, co powiedziano wyżej. Obecnie natomiast interesuje mnie art. 13: Wolność sztuk i nauk. Powiedziano tu: "Sztuki i badania naukowe są wolne od ograniczeń. Wolność akademicka jest szanowana". Znowu zgłasza się tutaj pierworodny grzech dokumentu: przechył indywidualistyczny. Traktuje się naukę i sztukę jako hobby interesujące jedynie jednostkę, która oczywiście powinna swobodnie rozwijać swoje zainteresowania. Wiadomo, że tylko państwa totalitarne krępowały rozwój nauki, zmuszając naukowców, aby nawet prace z archeologii Dalekiego Wschodu podpierały cytatami z Lenina. Ale choć dziś chyba nikt z naukowców nie klęka przed duchem Lenina, to są takie duchy, które nadal nie dają spać naukowcom, na przykład duchy Hegla, Darwina, Spencera, Huxleya, Freuda czy choćby Kartezjusza. Nadal dokucza naukowcom mit postępu naukowego, widoczny w osławionym "Manifeście Humanistycznym" (1973), który (mit) wnikliwie skrytykował Benedykt XVI w wielu wypowiedziach. Dokument zapomina zupełnie o głębokich uwarunkowaniach ideologicznych i politycznych, którym w naszych warunkach zostały poddane badania naukowe, co jest widoczne zwłaszcza w dziedzinie genetyki, bioetyki czy biotechnologii. Doktor Marek Czachorowski przypomniał w "Naszym Dzienniku" (5-6 stycznia) słabe strony tak zwanej Europejskiej Konwencji Bioetycznej. Problemy związane z tą Konwencją ukazują głębokie uzależnienie polityczne badań naukowych, oraz duży zakres prywatnych ambicji pewnych kół naukowców zainteresowanych dokonaniem rewolucyjnych "odkryć" biomedycznych, niestety pomijających relację do godności osoby ludzkiej. To wszystko nie może być pozostawione prywatnemu osądowi jednostek walczących o coraz szerszy zakres "swobody badań naukowych". Hitlerowcy też prowadzili na szeroką skalę "badania naukowe" na więźniach obozów koncentracyjnych. Moralny wymiar dzisiejszych badań - według nieżyjącego już prof. Jerome Lejeune'a - nie różni się od zbrodni hitlerowskich potępionych w procesie norymberskim.
Stąd stwierdzenie, że "badania naukowe są wolne od ograniczeń", jest absurdem, ponieważ powinno być jasne, że badania naukowe są ograniczone wewnętrzną logiką nauki jako drogi odkrywania prawdy w służbie człowiekowi, a po drugie, jeśli przedmiotem badań jest życie ludzkie, czyli osoba ludzka we wszystkich uwarunkowaniach egzystencjalnych (zwłaszcza płodność ludzka, poczęcie, narodziny i wszystkie sytuacje krytyczne), to badania naukowe są ograniczone koniecznością absolutnego respektowania godności i nietykalności osoby ludzkiej, a także ograniczone celem terapeutycznym w ścisłym tego słowa znaczeniu i w bezpośredniej sytuacji konieczności.
Odnosi się ogólne wrażenie, że w Karcie Praw Podstawowych wymiar moralny jest jakby z zasady nieobecny, ponieważ prawdopodobnie przyjmuje się, że to, co dzieje się w "wolności", jest automatycznie poprawne etycznie. Byłaby to osobliwa filozofia wolności pojmowanej absolutystycznie, która z góry usprawiedliwia wszelkie poczynania jako dobre. Jan Paweł II w encyklice "Evangelium vitae" (nr 20) nazwał taką wolność "nikczemną". Sapienti sat.

Ks. prof. Jerzy Bajda

Tuesday, April 15, 2008

Obama at Patraeus Hearings 4/8/08 Brawo Obama

Obama at Patraeus Hearings 4/8/08 Brawo Obama

OCCUPATION 101: Gaza's Reality

OCCUPATION 101: Gaza's Reality

What motivated the 9/11 hijackers? See testimony most didn't

What motivated the 9/11 hijackers? See testimony most didn't

McCain, NeoCons, the Israel Lobby Ron Paul Weekly Standard

McCain, NeoCons, the Israel Lobby Ron Paul Weekly Standard

Sunday, April 13, 2008

Friday, April 11, 2008

Wizyta premiera Tuska w Izraelu prof. dr hab Bobusław Wolniewicz

Wizyta premiera Tuska w Izraelu prof. dr hab Bobusław Wolniewicz

Wizyta premiera Tuska w Izraelu
prof. dr hab Bobusław Wolniewicz


Bogusław Wolniewicz (ur. 22 września 1927 w Toruniu) - filozof i logik. Publicysta i felietonista Telewizji Trwam, Radia Maryja , Naszego Dziennika. W 2005 r. startował w wyborach parlamentarnych z listy Platformy Janusza Korwin-Mikke.

Studiował w latach 1947-1951 na Uniwersytecie Mikołaja Kopernika pod kierunkiem Tadeusza Czeżowskiego. Do 1953 r. był asystentem w Katedrze Logiki UMK, a od 1956 r. wykładowcą na WSP w Gdańsku. W 1963 r. został przeniesiony do Katedry Filozofii Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego z inicjatywy Adama Schaffa. Do 1998 r. był profesorem w Instytucie Filozofii UW, kiedy to odszedł na emeryturę. W latach 1956 - 1981 członek PZPR.

Bogusław Wolniewicz specjalizuje się w filozofii religii i filozofii współczesnej. Dystansuje się od głównych nurtów filozofii XX wieku i przyjmuje tezy wielkich myślicieli, Arystotelesa, Leibniza, Hume'a, Kanta i szczególnie Wittgensteina. Krytyczny wobec freudyzmu, fenomenologii, postmodernizmu i fundamentalizmu religijnego, a od lat 90. XX wieku także marksizmu, reprezentuje postawę analityczną i metafizyczną. Główne założenia jego myśli to aksjologiczny absolutyzm w wersji racjonalistycznej i metafizyczny pesymizm w spojrzeniu na człowieka oraz społeczeństwo.

Postanowieniem prezydenta Aleksandra Kwaśniewskiego z dnia 11 listopada 1997 roku, za wybitne zasługi dla nauki polskiej, został odznaczony Krzyżem Oficerskim Orderu Odrodzenia Polski.

Bogusław Wolniewicz startował w wyborach parlamentarnych w 2005 r. z list Platformy Janusza Korwin-Mikke, ale nie został posłem.

9 kwietnia 2006 Wolniewicz, wraz z o. Mieczysławem Krąpcem i ks. Czesławem Bartnikiem, zainicjował Społeczny Niezależny Zespół ds. Etyki Mediów, poparty przez przedstawicieli świata nauki i mediów, który postawił sobie za cel "informować rzetelnie opinię publiczną w kraju i na świecie o wszelkich poczynaniach w mediach i wokół nich, które zagrażają bądź obyczajności, bądź swobodzie publicznej dyskusji"[1]. Wolniewicz wyraził przekonanie, że Rada Etyki Mediów chce "nałożyć Polsce kaganiec na swobodę publicznej dyskusji" i "wprowadzić skrytą cenzurę"[2]. Inicjatywa ta miała miejsce po tym, jak Rada Etyki Mediów oraz Marek Edelman skrytykowali[3] Radio Maryja za nadanie, określanego przez nich jako antysemickiego, felietonu[4] Stanisława Michalkiewicza, a kieleckie Stowarzyszenie im. Jana Karskiego zażądało od prokuratury wszczęcia postępowania przeciwko autorowi[5].

Wybrane pisma
Ontologia sytuacji : podstawy i zastosowania, Warszawa : Państwowe Wydaw. Naukowe, 1985.
Filozofia i wartości : rozprawy i wypowiedzi : z fragmentami pism Tadeusza Kotarbińskiego, Warszawa : Wydział Filozofii i Socjologii Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, 1993.
Filozofia i wartości, 2, Warszawa : Wydział Filozofii i Socjologii Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, 1998.
Logic and metaphysics : studies in Wittgenstein's ontology of facts, Warszawa : "Znak, Język, Rzeczywistość" : Polskie Towarzystwo Semiotyczne, 1999.
Filozofia i wartości, 3, Z fragmentem "Księgi tragizmu" Henryka Elzenberga i jego uwagami o "Dociekaniach" Wittgensteina, Warszawa : Wydział Filozofii i Socjologii Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, 2003.
Boguslaw Wolniewicz and the Formal Ontology of Situations


"The theory presented below was developed in an effort to clarify the metaphysics of Wittgenstein's Tractatus. The result obtained, however, is not strictly the formal twin of his variant of Logical Atomism. but something more, general, of which the latter is lust a special case. One might call it an ontology of situations. Some basic ideas of that ontology stern from Stenius Wittgenstein's Tractatus, Oxford, 1968 and Suszko Ontology in the Tractatus of L. Wittgenstein - Notre Dame Journal of Formal Logic, 1968.

Let L be a classic propositional language. Propositions of L are supposed to have their semantic counterparts in the realm of possibility, or as Wittgenstein put it: in logical space. These counterparts are situations, and S is to be the totality of them. The situation described by a proposition a is S(a). With Meinong we call it the objective of a."

From: Boguslaw Wolniewicz - A formal ontology of situations - Studia Logica 41: 381-413 (1982). pp. 381-382.

"Different ontologies adopt different notions of existence as basic. Aristotle's paradigm of existence is given by the equivalence:

(A) to be = to be a substance.

On the other hand, the paradigm of existence adopted in Wittgenstein's Tractatus is given by the parallel equivalence:

(W) to be = to be a fact.

Now, an Aristotelian substance is the denotation of an individual name, whereas a Wittgensteinian fact is the denotation of a true proposition. It seems therefore that the notions of existence derived from these two paradigms should be quite different, and one might readily expect that the metaphysical systems erected upon them will display wide structural discrepancies.

It turns out, however, that in spite of this basic difference there runs between these two systems a deep and striking parallelism. This parallelism is so close indeed that it makes possible the construction of a vocabulary which would transform characteristic propositions of Wittgenstein's ontology into Aristotelian ones, and conversely. To show in some detail the workings of that transformation will be the subject of this paper.

The vocabulary mentioned is based on the following four fundamental correlations:


1) primary substances (substantiae primae)
atomic facts
2) prime matter (materia prima)

3) form (forma)

4) self-subsistence of primary substances (esse per se)
independence of atomic facts

Aristotle's ontology is an ontology of substances, Wittgenstein's ontology is an ontology of facts. But concerning the respective items of each of the pairs (1)-(4) both ontologies lay down conditions which in view of our vocabulary appear to be identical. To show this let us confront, to begin with, the items of pair (1): substances and facts.

(The interpretation of Aristotle adopted in this paper is the standard one, to be found in any competent textbook of the history of philosophy. Therefore, with but one exception, no references to Aristotle's works will be given here.)Relatively to the system involved substances and facts are of the same ontological status. Aristotle's world is the totality of substances (summa rerum), Wittgenstein's world is the totality of facts (die Gesamtheit der Tatsachen). For Aristotle whatever exists in the basic sense of the word is a primary substance, for Wittgenstein - an atomic fact. Moreover, both ontologies are MODAL ones, allowing for different modes of being (modi essendi); and both take as basic the notion of `contingent being' (esse contingens), opposed to necessary being on the one hand, and to the possibility of being on the other. Both substances and facts are entities which actually exist, but might have not existed. The equality of ontological status between substances and facts is corroborated by the circumstance that both are PARTICULARS, there being - as the saying goes - no multiplicity of entities which FALL UNDER them.

Substances and facts stand also in the same relation to the ontological categories of pairs (2) and (3). Both are always COMPOUND entities, a substance consisting of matter and form, and a fact consisting of objects and the way of their configuration. But in neither of the two systems is this compoundness to be understood literally as composition of physically separable parts or pieces. The compoundness (compositio) of a substance consists in its being formed stuff (materia informata), and the compoundness of a fact in its being a configuration of objects.

In view of correlation (4) we have also an equality of relation which a substance bears to other substances, and a fact to other facts. Self-subsistence is the characteristic attribute of primary substances: substantia prima = ens per se. If we take this to mean that each substance exists independently of the existence or non-existence of any other substance we get immediately the exact counterpart of Wittgenstein's principle of logical atomism stating the mutual independence of atomic facts. It should be noted that thus understood the attribute of self-subsistence or independence is a relative one, belonging to a substance - or to a fact - only in virtue of its relation to other substances - or facts.

From a Wittgensteinian point of view Aristotle's substances are not things, but hypostases of facts, and thus their names are not logically proper names, but name-like equivalents of propositions. (By that term we mean roughly either a noun clause of the form `that p', or any symbol which might be regarded as a definitional abbreviation of such clause.) Surely, from the Aristotelian point of view it might be easily retorted here that just the opposite is the case: substances are not `reified' facts, but on the contrary - facts are 'dereified' substances. Without passing judgement on these mutual objections let us note in passing that their symmetric character seems to be itself an additional manifestation of the parallelism discussed."

From: Boguslaw Wolniewicz - A parallelism between Wittgensteinian and Aristotelian ontologies. In Boston studies in the philosophy of science. Vol. IV. Edited by Cohen Robert S. and Wartofsky Marx W. Dordrecht: Reidel Publishing Company 1969. pp. 208-210 (notes omitted).


SELECTED PUBLICATIONS (Works in Polish are not enclosed)

In 1970 Boguslaw Wolniewicz published a Polish translation of Ludwig Wittgenstein Tractatus logico-philosophicus.

A difference between Russell's and Wittgenstein's logical atomism. In Akten des XIV. Internationalen Kongresses für Philosophie. Wien, 2. - 9. September 1968 - Vol. II. Wien: Herder 1968. pp. 263-267
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.193-197

"A note on Black's 'Companion'," Mind 78: 141 (1969).
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - p. 229.

"It is a mistake to suppose that in Wittgenstein's "Tractatus" the meaning of Urbild has any connexion with that of picture. "

A parallelism between Wittgensteinian and Aristotelian ontologies. In Boston studies in the philosophy of science. Vol. IV. Edited by Cohen Robert S. and Wartofsky Marx W. Dordrecht: Reidel Publishing Company 1969. pp. 208-217
Proceedings of the Boston Colloquium for the philosophy of science 1966/1968.

Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.198-207

"Four notion of independence," Theoria 36: 161-164 (1970).
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.127-130.

WFour (binary) relations of independence I(p,q) between propositions are distinguished: the Wittgensteinian I sub-w, the statistical I sub-s, the modal I sub-m, and the deductive I sub-d. The validity of the following theorem is argued for: I sub-w(p,q) implies I sub-s(p,q) implies I sub-m(p,q) implies Isub-d(p,q). "

Wittgensteinian foundations of non-Fregean logic. In Contemporary East European philosophy. Vol. 3. Edited by D'Angelo Edward, DeGrood David, and Riepe Dale. Bridgeport: Spartacus Books 1971. pp. 231-243

"The notion of fact as a modal operator," Teorema: 59-66 (1972).
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp. 218-224

"The notion of fact /fp = "it is a fact that p"/ is characterized axiomatically, and the ensuing modal systems shown to be equivalent to tT, S4 and S5 respectively."

Zur Semantik des Satzkalküls: Frege und Wittgenstein. In Der Mensch - Subjekt und Objekt (Festchrift für Adam Schaff). Edited by Borbé Tasso. Wien: Europaverl. 1973. pp.

Sachlage und Elementarsätz. In Wittgenstein and his impact on contemporary thought. Proceedings of the Second International Wittgenstein Symposium, 29th August to 4th September 1977, Kirchberg/Wechsel (Austria). Edited by Leinfellner Elisabeth. Wien: Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky 1977. pp. 174-176

"Objectives of propositions," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 7: 143-147 (1978).
"The paper sketches out a semantics for propositions based upon the Wittgensteinian notion of a possible situation. The objective of a proposition is defined as the smallest situation verifying it. Two propositions are assumed to have the same objective iff they are strictly equivalent. Formulas are given which determine the objectives of conjunction and disjunction as functions of the objectives of their components. finally a link with possible-world semantics is established."

"Situations as the reference of propositions," Dialectics and Humanism 5: 171-182 (1978).
"The reference of propositions is determined for a class of languages to be called the "Wittgensteinian" ones. A meaningful proposition presents a possible situation. Every consistent conjunction of elementary propositions presents an elementary situation. The smallest elementary situations are the "Sachverhalte"; the greatest are possible worlds. The situation presented by a proposition is to be distinguished from that verifying it, but the greatest situation presented is identical with the smallest verifying. The reference of compound propositions is then determined as a function of their components."

"Les situations comme corrélats semantiques des enoncés," Studia Filozoficzne 2: 27-41 (1978).

Wittgenstein und der Positivismus. In Wittgenstein, the Vienna circle and critical rationalism. Proceedings of the third International Wittgenstein Symposium, 13th to 19th August 1978, Kirchberg am Wechsel (Austria). Edited by Bergehel Hal, Hübner Adolf, and Eckehart Köhler. Wien: Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky 1978. pp. 75-77

"Some formal properties of objectives," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 8: 16-20 (1979).
"The objectives of propositions as defined in an earlier paper are shown here to form a distributive lattice."

A Wittgensteinian semantics for propositions. In Intention and intentionality. Essay in honour of G. E. M. Anscombe. Edited by Diamond Cora and Teichman Jenny. Ithaca: Cornell University Press 1979. pp. 165-178
"More than once Professor Anscombe has expressed doubt concerning the semantic efficacy of the idea of an 'elementary proposition' as conceived in the Tractatus. Wittgenstein himself eventually discarded it, together with the whole philosophy of language of which it had been an essential part. None the less the idea is still with us, and it seems to cover theoretical potentialities yet to be explored. This paper is a tentative move in that direction.
According to Professor Anscombe, (*) Wittgenstein's 'elementary propositions' may be characterized by the following five theses:
(1) They are a class of mutually independent propositions.
(2) They are essentially positive.
(2) They are such that for each of them there are no two ways of being true or false, but only one.
(4) They are such that there is in them no distinction between an internal and an external negation.
(5) They are concatenations of names, which are absolutely simple signs.
We shall not investigate whether this is an adequate axiomatic for the notion under consideration. We suppose it is. In any case it is possible to modify it in one way or another, and for the resulting notion still to preserve a family resemblance with the original idea. One such modification is sketched out below."

"On the lattice of elementary situations," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 9: 115-121 (1980).

"On the verifiers of disjunction," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 9: 57-59 (1980).

"The Boolean algebra of objectives," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 10: 17-23 (1981).
"This concludes a series of papers constructing a semantics for propositional languages based on the notion of a possible "situation". Objectives of propositions are the situations described by them. The set of objectives is defined and shown to be a boolean algebra isomorphic to that formed by sets of possible worlds."

"A closure system for elementary situations," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 11: 134-139 (1982).

"On logical space," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 11: 84-88 (1982).

"Ludwig Fleck and Polish philosophy," Dialectics and Humanism 9: 25-28 (1982).

"A formal ontology of situations," Studia Logica 41: 381-413 (1982).
"A generalized Wittgensteinian semantics for propositional languages is presented, based on a lattice of elementary situations. Of these, maximal ones are possible worlds, constituting a logical space; minimal ones are logical atoms, partitioned into its dimensions. A verifier of a proposition is an elementary situation such that if real it makes true. The reference (or objective) of a proposition is a situation, which is the set of all its minimal verifiers. (Maximal ones constitute its locus.) Situations are shown to form a Boolean algebra, and the Boolean set algebra of loci is its representation. Wittgenstein's is a special case, admitting binary dimensions only."

0. Preliminaries;
1. Elementary Situations
1.1.The Axioms; 1.2.Some Consequences; 1.3. W-Independence; 1.4.States of Affairs;
2. Sets of Elementary Situations
2.1.The Semigroup of SE"-Sets; 2.2.The Lattice of Minimal SE"-Sets; 2.3.Q-Spaces and V-Sets; 2.4.V-Equivalence and Q-Equivalence; 2.4.V-Classes and V-Sets;
3. Objectives of Propositions
3.1. Verifiers of Propositions; 3.2. Verifying and Forcing; 3.3. Situations and Logical Loci; 3.4. Loci and Objectives of Compound Propositions 3.5. The Boolean Algebra of Situations;
4. References

"Truth arguments and independence," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 12: 21-28 (1983).

"Logical space and metaphysical systems," Studia Logica 42: 269-284 (1983).
"The paper applies the theory presented in "A formal ontology of situations" (Studia Logica, vol. 41 (1982), no. 4) to obtain a typology of metaphysical systems by interpreting them as different ontologies of situations.
Four are treated in some detail: Hume's diachronic atomism, Laplacean determinism, Hume's synchronic atomism, and Wittgenstein's logical atomism. Moreover, the relation of that theory to the "situation semantics" of Perry and Barwise is discussed."

"An algebra of subsets for join-semilatttices with unit," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 13: 21-24 (1984).

"A topology for logical space," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 13: 255-259 (1984).

"Suszko: a reminiscence," Studia Logica 43: 317-321 (1984).
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.302-306

"Die Grundwerte einer wissenschaftlichen Weltauffassaung," Conceptus 19: 3-8 (1985).
"The scientific world-view is one of the fundamentals of our culture. It can be characterized in part by its specific system of values. A world-view is regarded as a scientific one if "truth" is one of its primary values, that is, as a value which is not a means, but an end in itself. Truth is served in particular by the two instrumental values of conceptual clarity and openness to critique. Their standing is (at present) low, for two reasons. (1) Unclear thinking not only promotes social idols; its consequences are also often difficult to see clearly and immediately. (2) In any case truth is of no interest (in a biological sense) to human beings; therefore, critique can at best be a socially tolerated activity. On the other hand, truth is not only a value, but also a force which in the long run cannot be held back; this fact gives some hope to adherents of the scientific world-view. "

"Discreteness of logical space," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 15: 132-136 (1986).

"Entailments and independence in join-semilattices," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 18: 2-5 (1989).
"The paper generalizes Wittgenstein's notion of independence. in a join-semilattice of elementary situations the atoms are the Sachverhalte, and maximal ideals are possible worlds. A subset of that semilattice is independent iff it is free of "ontic ties". This is shown to be equivalent to independence in von Neumann's sense."

"On atomic join-semilattices," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 18: 105-111 (1989).
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp. 307-312.

The essence of Logical Atomism: Hume and Wittgenstein. In Wittgenstein. Eine Neubewertung. Akten 14. Internationale Wittgenstein-Symposium. Vol. 1. Wien: Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky 1990. pp. 106-111

"A question about join-semilattices," Bulletin of the Section of Logic: 108 (1990).

Concerning reism in Kotarbinski. In Kotarbinski: logic. semantics and ontology. Edited by Wolenski Jan. Dordrecht: Kluwer 1990. pp. 199-204
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.265-271

Elzenberg's logic of values. In Logic counts. Edited by Zarnecka-Bialy Ewa. Dordrecht: Kluwe 1990. pp. 63-70
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp. 286-292 (with the title: Elzenberg's axiology"

"1. Values are what our value-Judgements refer to, and the passing of Judgements is one of our vital activities, like sleeping and breathing. We constantly appraise things as good or bad, pretty or ugly, as noble or base, well-made or misshapen. No wonder that both the act of appraisal and that which it refers to - i.e. the real or spurious values - have been always the source of philosophical reflexion. In systematic form such reflexion is what we call axiology.
In Polish philosophy it was Henryk Elzenberg (1887-1967) who reflected upon matters of axiology most deeply and incisively.
3. Leibniz had said somewhere: "There are two mazes in which the human mind is most likely to get lost: one is the concept of continuity, the other is that of liberty". This admits of generalization: all concepts are mazes, viz mazes of logical relations between the propositions that involve them.
One such maze is the concept of 'value'. Possibly, it is even the same as one of the two mentioned by Leibniz, only entered - so to say - by another door. For it would be in full accord with Elzenberg's position - and with that of Kant too - to adopt the following characteristic: values are what controls the actions of free agents. Thus the concepts of value and of liberty should constitute one conceptual maze, or - which comes to the same - two mazes communicating with each other.
To get a survey of such logical maze the first thing is to fix the ontological category of the concept in question. Thus, in our case, we ask what kind of entities are those 'values' supposed to be. (Ontological categories are the most general classes of entities, the summa genera A term even more general has to cover literally everything: like 'entity' or 'something'. For everything is an entity, just as everything is a something.)
Different ontologies admit different sets of categories. The categories most frequently referred to are those of 'objects', 'properties', and 'relations'; the more exotic ones are those of an 'event', a 'set', a 'function', or a 'situation'. One point, however, is of paramount importance: the categories admitted In one ontology have to be mutually disjoint". p. 63; 66.

"A sequel to Hawranek/Zygmunt," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 20: 143-144 (1991).

Needs and value. In Logic and ethics. Edited by Geach Peter. Dordrecht: Kluwer 1991. pp.

On the discontinuity of Wittgenstein's philosophy. In Peter Geach: philosophical encounters. Edited by Lewis Harry. Dordrecht: Kluwer 1991. pp. 77-81
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp. 13-17.

"A question of logic in the philosophy of religion," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 22: 33-36 (1993).

On the synthetic a priori. In Philosophical logic in Poland. Edited by Wolenski Jan. Dordrecht: Kluwer 1994. pp. 327-336

Logic and metaphysics. Studies in Wittgenstein's ontology of facts. Warsaw: Polskie Towarzystwo Semiotyczne 1999.
Contents: Preface 11; Discontinuity of Wittgenstein's philosophy 13; 1. Elementary situations as a lattice of finite length 19; Elementary situations as a semilattice 73; 3. Independence 127; 4. Elementary situations generalized 137; 5. Auxiliary studies 193; 5.1 The Logical Atomisms of Russell and Wittgenstein 193; 5.2 A parallelism between Wittgenstein and Aristotle 198; 5.3 Frege's semantics 207; 5.4. The notion of fact as a modal operator 218; 5.5 "Tractatus" 5.541 - 5.542 224; 5.6 History of the concept of a Situation 229; 6. Offshoots 243 6.1 Languages and codes 243; 6.2 Logic and hermeneutics 254; 6.3 Kotarbinski's Reism 265; 6.4 On Bayle's critique of theodicy 271; 6.5 Elzenberg's axiology 286; 6.6 Needs and values 293; 6.7 Suszko: a reminiscence 302; Supplements 307; Indices: Index of subjects 317; Index of names 326; Index of Tractatus references 329.

"Atoms in semantic frames," Logica Trianguli 4: 69-86 (2000).
"Elaborating on Wittgenstein's ontology of facts, semantic frames are described axiomatically as based on the notion of an elementary situation being the verifier of a proposition. Conditions are investigated then for suchframes to be atomic, i.e. to have lattice-theoretic counterparts of his "Sachverhalte"."

"Extending atomistic frames," Logica Trianguli 5 (2001).

Tractatus 5.541 - 5.542. In Satz un Sachverhalt. Edited by Neumaier Otto. Sankt Augustin: Academia Verlag 2001. pp. 185-190
"In Wittgenstein's "Tractatus", thesis 5 is the Principle of Extensionality: all propositions are truth-functions of their clauses. This, however, has been often thrown into doubt. There are - it is said - compound propositions whose truth-value does not depend on that of their clauses. The usual example given are the so-called intensional contexts, like "John thinks that p", or "John says that p". And indeed, the truth-value of "p" is patently immaterial here to that of the whole proposition which it is part of.
Wittgenstein's retort are the following much discussed theses, adduced here in a translation of our own:

5.54 In the general propositional form, propositions occur in one another only as bases of truth-operations.
5.541 At first sight it seems that a proposition might occur in another also in a different way.
Particularly in certain propositional forms of psychology, like "A believes that p is the case", "A thinks p", etc.
For taken superficially, proposition p seems here to stand to the object A in some sort of relation.
(And in modem epistemology - Russell, Moore, etc. - these have actually been construed that way.)
5.542 However, "A believes that p", "A thinks p", "A says p" are clearly of the form " 'p' says p "; and this is not correlating a fact with an object, but a correlation of facts by correlating their objects.

The objection is met here in two steps. Firstly, it is pointed out that a proposition of the form "John says that p" is actually of the form "'p' says that p". The idea is this: the proposition "John says that Jill has a cat" means: John produces the sentence "Jill has a cat", the latter saying by itself that Jill has a cat. In such a way propositions get independent of the persons producing them, and communicate some objective content. It is surely not by John's looks that we come to know about Jill's cat, but merely by his words. Whom they stem from, is irrelevant.
In his second step Wittgenstein follows Frege's interpretation of indirect speech, but with modifications. He points out that the formula " 'p' says that p " is equivalent to some compound proposition in which neither the proposition "p" as a syntactic unit, nor anything equivalent to it, does occur although there occur all the logically relevant constituents of "p" separately.
The distinction between abstract and concrete states of affairs is not drawn explicitly in the "Tractatus". But it fits well thesis 5.156, if we expand that thesis by a few words of comment, added here in brackets:

5.156(d) A proposition may well be en incomplete image of a particular (concrete) situation, but it is always the complete image (of an abstract one).

The circumstance that in 5.156 not "states of affairs", but "situations" are mentioned, is of no consequence in our context. We assume that states of affairs are just atomic situations, and so the distinction between "concrete" and "abstract" applies to both."

"Extending atomistic frames: part II," Logica Trianguli 6: 69-88 (2003).
"The paper concludes an earlier one (Logica Trianguli, 5) on extensions of atomistic semantic frames. Three kinds of extension are considered: the adjunctive, the conjunctive, and the disjunctive one. Some theorems are proved on extending "Humean" frames, i.e. such that the elementary situations constituting their universa are separated by the maximally coherent sets of them ("realizations")."

"On a minimality condition," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 34: 227-228 (2005).

Thursday, April 10, 2008

Polish President Kaczynski, March 17 2008,English subtitled

Polish President Kaczynski, March 17 2008,English subtitled

Dziekujemy Panie Prezydencie

Lech Alex Bajan
Washington DC

I am unaware of any organized Jewish efforts to save Polish lives at the time when Jews were in disproportionally favored position within the Stalin's

I am unaware of any organized Jewish efforts to save Polish lives at the time when Jews were in disproportionally favored position within the Stalin's

I am unaware of any organized Jewish efforts to save Polish lives at the time when Jews were in disproportionally favored position within the Stalin's terror

Mr. James Hoge, Jr., Editor September 14, 2002
Foreign Affairs
58 East 69th street
N. Y. C., NY 10021

Dear Mr. Hoge:

In your letter of September 9, 2002, to Mr. Moskal, you refer to me by name, therefore, please, allow me to answer some of your basic contentions.

You treat the massacre of Jedwabne of 1941 as a Polish national crime - a serious misrepresentation of the history of Poland. It is a tremendous disappointment to see the editor of a prestigious publication having taken such a dubious and unsupportable position. It is a well-established historical fact that the Germans were in charge and controlled the commission of their atrocities at gun point. The Brumberg-Gross contention that the secondary roles in German crimes by people who were held at gun point, represent Polish national responsibility is absurd.

You apparently share with Abraham Brumberg his contention of Poland's "discredited heritage" (quoted in your letter). Abraham Brumberg denigrates and belittles the fact that more Poles than members of any other nationality sacrificed their lives in saving Jews from the Nazis. About 100,000 Poles were executed by Germans for helping Jews. Ironically many thousands of Poles were imprisoned and sent to the Gulag under the false accusation that they had collaborated with the Nazis. In reality their real crime was that they were a threat to Stalin's complete domination of the Polish state. The fact is that during the war and its aftermath a greater number of Polish Christians were killed than Polish Jews. Poland apparently lost the great majority of her pre-war patriotic Jewish intelligentsia which would now be speaking up in defense of Poland's good name.

I am unaware of any organized Jewish efforts to save Polish lives at the time when Jews were in disproportionally favored position within the Stalin's terror apparatus as members of Polish government. Poles, who know their history, are outraged by having the crimes of Nazi invaders attributed to them.

Until the site of the atrocity in Jedwabne is fully exhumed and thoroughly examined by forensic scientists, you are not justified in accepting a Brumberg-Gross version of events. These authors as well as self serving opportunistic politicians in the Polish government and their supporters have their reasons for propagating their version of events, which is largely contradicted by reliable eyewitness accounts and lacking in scientific evidence. The size and nature of the two graves at Jedwabne make impossible the assertions of J. T. Gross and Abraham Brumberg

The long term friendship of two peoples can not be based on Voltaire's notion that history is a lie agreed upon.


Iwo Cyprian Pogonowski, a survivor of 64 months of Gestapo prisons and Sachsenhausen concentration camp near Berlin (number 28865), is the author of "Poland, an Illustrated History" (Hippocrene Books, New York, 2000), "Jews in Poland, a Documented History" (Hippocrene Books, New York, 1993), "Poland, a Historical Atlas" (Hippocrene Books, 1987).
Blacksburg, P. O. Box 10037, VA 24062

cc: Hon. Peter G. Peterson
cc: Hon. Edward J. Moskal

Who is to express regrets for the collaboration between the "Jewish committees" and the NKVD in Soviet occupied Poland? Then, the last memory of Poland by many a Polish citizens before the door was slammed shut on a boxcar bound for Siberia was that of a Jewish militiaman slamming the door. (There was no similar collaboration between Polish Catholics and the Nazis for example.) However, the problem of an apology by the Jews for collaboration is more complicated.

Practically all of the over three million Jewish victims gassed in German gas chambers were arrested by Jewish ghetto policemen who brutally escorted them to the rail terminal. The last experience of Jewish victims in Poland packed into boxcars, bound for the gas chambers, was that of a Jewish ghetto polic slamming shut the death car door. It is a matter of record that an average Jewish policeman in the Warsaw Ghetto sent to gas chambers about twenty two hundred victims. In this tragedy what kind of an act of contrition is due and by whom?

So far Polish Catholics do not seek reparations, moral or financial, from Jews. They hope that mutual respect can replace the rather counterproductive charge and countercharge pattern which the propaganda pamphlet The Neighbors, by J. T. Gross, engenders. Enough is definitely enough.

More difficult problem to discuss is that of the architects of the holocaust who were of Jewish background themselves like Reinhold Heydrich who designed the final solution so that it would be performed by the Jews themselves. The motivation of these architects of the holocaust was prove themselves faithful to the Third Reich as well as acting out their own Jewish self-hatred so well known among decedents of mixed Jewish-Christian marriages. Heydrich's, and possibly Hitler's, hatred of their own Jewish blood was a product of the racist German society in which they grew up. To deal with the Jewish problem and eventually enforce the "Final Solution," Heydrich selected others, whom he believed to have this "pathological Jewish self-hate," such as Globocnik, Eichmann, Knochen, Dannecker, etc. as described by Gerald Reitlinger in SS - Alibi of a Nation 1922-1945 (1956). Hitler was very sensitive to matters of Jewish ancestry because his own father, Alois Schiklgruber born out of wedlock, allegedly had a Jewish father.

Chronology of Hitler's Efforts to Persuade Poland to Join the Anti-Comintern Pact. (from Józef Lipski's Diplomat in Berlin 1933-39)

Aug. 5, 1935 Hitler declared good Polish German relations are of primary importance. German proposals included: military cooperation, alliance against Russia, an air pact, etc.
Aug. 31, 1936 German gold payments to Poland for transit through Pomerania between Germany and East Prussia settled and declared by Hitler as a financial and not political matter.
Nov. 25, 1936 the Anti Comintern Pact signed by Germany and Japan.
Aug. 13, 1937 German Japanese consultations on their pressure on Poland to join the Anti Comintern Pact (their analysis of Polish politics). Japanese Gen. Sawada suggested a carrot and stick approach. The Nazis were to order ethnic Germans in Poland to cease anti-Polish hostilities and concentrate the German army on Poland's borders and occupy Klajpeda Memel in Lithuania (the latter happened in March 1939). Herman Goering used his "hunting trips to Poland to persuade the Poles to join the Anti-Comintern Pact.
Nov. 6, 1937 Italy Joined the German Japanese Anti Comintern Pact the need for Poland's participation in the pact stressed.
Nov. 9, 1937 Minister Beck comments evasively on the participation of Poland in the Anti Comintern Pact.
Nov. 10, 1937 German and Polish Ambassadors to the Quirinal discuss the pact in Vatican.
Jan. 12, 1938 Italian proposals of membership in the Anti Comintern Pact by Poland, Spain, and Brasil.
Feb. 4, 1938 Minister von Ribbentrop' s intensified campaign to get Poland into the Anti Cominten Pact.
March 31, 1938 German pressure on Poland to sign the Anti Comintern Pact in a direct conference.
Sept. 27, 1 938 during Czech crisis Germany asked about Poland's attitude towards the pact.
Oct. 24, 1938 Germany offered a general settlement of Polish German problems within the pact.
Jan. 26, 1939 Ribbentrop told in Warsaw that Poland will not join the Anti Comintern Pact.
March 31, 1939 Poland, Gr. Britain and France exchanged common defense guarantees.

Iwo Cyprian Pogonowski

Born Sept. 3, 1921
Lwów, Poland

in Dec 1939 left Warsaw. Dec 30, 1939 arrested by Ukrainians serving the Gestapo in Dukla, then transferred to Barwinek, Krosno, Jaslo, Tarnów, Oswiecim, arrived in Oranienburg-Sachsenhausen on Aug. 10, 1940.

April 19, 1945 started on the Death March of Brandenburg from Sachsenhausen; escaped gunfire of SS-guards and arrived to Schwerin and freedom on May 2, 1945.

September 1945 arrived in Brussels, Belgium; obtained admission as a regular student at the Catholic University: Institute Superieur de Commerce, St. Ignace in Antwerp.

in 1954 graduated in Civil Engineering at the top of his class. Was invited to join honorary societies: Tau Beta Pi (general engineering honorary society), Phi Kappa Phi (academic honorary society equivalent to Phi Beta Kappa), Pi Mu (mechanical engineering honorary society), and Chi Epsilon (civil engineering honorary society). Taught descriptive geometry at the University of Tennessee;

in 1955 graduated with M.S. degree in Industrial Engineering.

in 1955 started working for Shell Oil Company in New Orleans. After one year of managerial training was assigned to design of marine structures for drilling and production of petroleum.

in 1960 started working for Texaco Research and Development in Houston, Texas as a Project Engineer. Authored total of 50 American and foreign patents on marine structures for the petroleum industry;
wrote an article: The Rise and Fall of the Polish Commonwealth - A Quest for a Representative Government in Central and Eastern Europe in the 14th to 18th Centuries. Started to work on a Tabular History of Poland.

in 1972 moved to Blacksburg, Virginia. During the following years worked as Consulting Engineer for Texaco, also taught in Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University as Adjunct Professor in the College of Civil Engineering teaching courses on marine structures of the petroleum industry. Designed and supervised the construction of a hill top home for his family, also bought 500 acre ranch (near Thomas Jefferson National Forest) where he restored 200 years old mill house on a mountain stream.

in 1978 prepared Polish-English, English-Polish Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc. The dictionary included a Tabular History of Poland, Polish Language, People, and Culture as well as Pogonowski's phonetic symbols for phonetic transcriptions in English and Polish at each dictionary entry; the phonetic explanations were illustrated with cross-sections of speech (organs used to pronounce the sounds unfamiliar to the users). It was the first dictionary with phonetic transcription at each Polish entry for use by English speakers

in 1981 prepared Practical Polish-English Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc.

in 1983 prepared Concise Polish-English Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc. Wrote an analysis of Michael Ch ci ski's Poland, Communism, Nationalism, Anti-Semitism. Also selected crucial quotations from Norman Davies' God's Playground - A History of Poland on the subject of the Polish indigenous democratic process.

in 1985 prepared Polish-English Standard Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc. Also prepared a revised and expanded edition of the Concise Polish-English Dictionary with complete phonetics, also published by Hippocrene Books Inc.

in 1987 prepared Poland: A Historical Atlas on Polish History and Prehistory including 200 maps and graphs as well as Chronology of Poland's Constitutional and Political Development, and the Evolution of Polish Identity - The Milestones. An introductory chapter was entitled Poland the Middle Ground. Aloysius A. Mazewski President of Polish-American Congress wrote an introduction. The Atlas was published by Hippocrene Books Inc. and later by Dorset Press of the Barnes and Noble Co. Inc. which sends some 30 million catalogues to American homes including color reproduction of book covers. Thus, many Americans were exposed to the cover of Pogonowski's Atlas showing the range of borders of Poland during the history - many found out for the firsttime that Poland was an important power in the past. Total of about 30,000 atlases were printed so far.

In 1988 the publication of Poland: A Historical Atlas resulted in a number of invitations extended by several Polonian organizations to Iwo Pogonowski to present Television Programs on Polish History. Pogonowski responded and produced over two year period 220 half-hour video programs in his studio at home (and at his own expense.) These programs formed a serial entitled: Poland, A History of One Thousand Years. Total of over 1000 broadcasts of these programs were transmitted by cable television in Chicago, Detroit-Hamtramck, Cleveland, and Blacksburg.

in 1990-1991 translated from the Russian the Catechism of a Revolutionary of 1869 in which crime has been treated as a normal part of the revolutionary program. Started preparation of the Killing the Best and the Brightest: A Chronology of the USSR-German Attempt to Behead the Polish Nation showing how the USSR became a prototype of modern totalitarian state, how this prototype was adapted in Germany by the Nazis.

in 1991 prepared Polish Phrasebook, Polish Conversations for Americans including picture code for gender and familiarity, published by Hippocrene Books Inc.

in 1991 prepared English Conversations for Poles with Concise Dictionary published by Hippocrene Books Inc. By then a total of over 100,000 Polish-English, English-Polish Dictionaries written by Pogonowski were sold in the United States and abroad.

in 1992 prepared a Dictionary of Polish, Latin, Hebrew, and Yiddish Terms used in Contacts between Poles and Jews. It was prepared for the history of Jews in Poland as well as 115 maps and graphs and 172 illustrations, paintings, drawings, and documents, etc. of Jewish life in Poland. This material was accompanied by proper annotations.

in 1993 prepared Jews in Poland, Rise of the Jews as a Nation from Congressus Judaicus in Poland to the Knesset in Israel, published by Hippocrene Books Inc. in 3000 copies. Foreword was written by Richard Pipes, professor of history at Harvard University, and Pogonowski's school mate in the Keczmar school in Warsaw. Part I included: a Synopsis of 1000 Year History of Jews in Poland; the 1264 Statute of Jewish Liberties in Poland in Latin and English translation; Jewish Autonomy in Poland 1264-1795; German Annihilation of the Jews. In appendixes are documents and illustrations. An Atlas is in the Part III. It is divided as follows: Early Jewish Settlements 966-1264; The Crucial 500 Years, 1264-1795; Competition (between Poles and Jews) Under Foreign Rule, 1795-1918; The Last Blossoming of Jewish Culture in Poland, 1918-1939; German Genocide of the Jews, 1940-1944; Jewish Escape from Europe 1945-1947 - The End of European (Polish) Phase of Jewish History (when most of world's Jewry lived in Europe). Pogonowski began to write a new book starting with the Chronology of the Martyrdom of Polish Intelligentsia during World War II and the Stalinist Terror; the book in preparation was entitled Killing the Best and the Brightest.

in 1995 prepared Dictionary of Polish Business, Legal and Associated Terms for use with the new edition of the Practical Polish-English, English-Polish Dictionary and later to be published as a separate book.

in 1996 Pogonowski's Poland: A Historical Atlas; was translated into Polish; some 130 of the original 200 maps printed in color; the Chronology of Poland was also translated into Polish. The Atlas was published by Wydawnictwo Suszczy ski I Baran in Kraków in 3000 copies; additional publications are expected. Prepared Polish-English, Eglish-Polish Compact Dictionary with complete phonetics, published by Hippocrene Books Inc.

in 1997 finished preparation of the Unabridged Polish-English Dictionary with complete phonetics including over 200,000 entries, in three volumes on total of 4000 pages; it is published by Hippocrene Books Inc; the Polish title is: Uniwesalny S ownik Polsko-Angielski. Besides years of work Pogonowski spent over $50,000 on computers, computer services, typing, and proof reading in order to make the 4000 page dictionary camera ready; assisted in the preparation of second edition of Jews in Poland, Rise of the Jews from Congressus Judaicus in Poland to the Knesset in Israel published in fall of 1997. Prepared computer programs for English-Polish Dictionary to serve as a companion to the Unabridged Polish-English Dictionary printed by the end of May 1997.

in 1998 Pogonowski organized preparation of CD ROM for the Unabridged Polish-English Dictionary, Practical English-Polish Dictionary, Polish Phrasebook for Tourists and Travelers to Poland, all published earlier by Iwo C. Pogonowski. The Phrasebook includes 280 minutes of bilingual audio read by actors. Started preparation for a new edition of Poland: A Historical Atlas. New Appendices are being prepared on such subjects as: Polish contribution to Allied's wartime intelligence: the breaking of the Enigma Codes, Pune Munde rocket production; Poland's contribution to the international law since 1415; Poland's early development of rocket technology such as Polish Rocketry Handbook published in 1650 in which Poles introduced for the first time into the world's literature concepts of multiple warheads, multistage rockets, new controls in rocket flight, etc. Poland's Chronology is being enlarged to reflect the mechanisms of subjugation of Polish people by the Soviet terror apparatus. Continued preparation of the Killing the Best and the Brightest: A Chronology of the USSR-German Attempt to Behead the Polish Nation, including the 1992 revelations from Soviet archives as well as the current research in Poland. Continued preparation of two-volume English Polish Dictionary, a companion to the Unabridged Polish-English Dictionary published in 1997. Reviewed Upiorna Dekada by J. T. Gross.

in 1999 Pogonowski continued writing Poland - An Illustrated History and preparing for it 21 maps and diagrams and 89 illustrations.

in 2000 Pogonowski prepared, in a camera ready form, Poland - An Illustrated History; it was published by Hippocrene Books Inc. NY 2000 and recommended by Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski, National Security Advisor under President Carter, as "An important contribution to the better understanding of Polish history, which demonstrates in a vivid fashion the historical vicissitudes of that major European nation."