Naomi Klein on the privatization of the state. Balcerowicza w Polsce.
Sunday, March 30, 2008
Friday, March 28, 2008
Nigdy nie Zzapomniemy co Niemcy Deutscland zrobily.
Nigdy nie Zzapomniemy co Niemcy Deutscland zrobily.
Thursday, March 27, 2008
The Iranian soldier-bear of Monte Cassino
The Iranian soldier-bear of Monte Cassino
Wojtek - Niedźwiedź Żołnierz (Voytek - Soldier Bear)
Voytek - Soldier Bear ( Wojtek - Niedźwiedź Żołnierz )
Ryszard Antolak
August 8, 2005
iranian.com
After the Battle of Monte Cassino, one of the fiercest and bloodiest conflicts of the Second World War, many accounts emerged of the bravery and heroism of the soldiers. But perhaps the strangest story of all was of an Iranian brown bear who served alongside the allied soldiers in the worst heat of the battle. Despite the incessant bombardment and constant gunfire, the bear carried vital supplies of ammunition and food to his fellow-soldiers fighting on the mountainside. Many observers who witnessed his remarkable actions doubted the reality of what they were seeing. But the story was no legend.
At the time of his death in 1964, he was the most famous bear in the world, visited by countless celebrities and adored by the international press. Books and articles were written about him, statues and plaques commemorated his actions. To the men of the 22nd Transport Company (Artillery Supply) however, he was merely “Voytek” a remarkable fellow soldier, and their beloved comrade.
He was born in the mountains of Hamadan, in one of the many caves to be found in that dusty mountainous area. At the age of eight weeks his mother was killed by a group of hunters, but he was rescued by a young Iranian boy who thrust him into a hempen sack and set off with him homeward along a narrow dusty path.
Iran at that time was going through one of the unhappier periods of her history. Occupied by the Russians and the British, her relations with the soldiers of those two countries were understandably tense and strained. In April 1942, however, Iran opened its arms to receive hundreds of thousands of Polish citizens (men, women and children) who had been released from the Soviet labour camps of Siberia and Kazakhstan. Having arrived at the port of Pahlavi (now Bandar-e Anzali), they were suffering from various diseases, including malnutrition, and had to be rested in the vast tented city hastily built for them on the shores of the Caspian. When they were well enough to travel, however, they were taken to more substantial military and civilian resettlement camps all over Iran.
Most of the civilians (women and children) were destined to remain as guests of Iran for up to three years. But the able-bodied men were almost immediately sent westwards to join the Polish forces in Lebanon. A long stream of covered trucks left Anzali daily carrying the future soldiers along the narrow twisted roads via Qazvin, Hamadan and Kermanshah to the borders of Iraq and beyond.
It was on one of the narrow mountain roads somewhere between Hamadan and Kangavar, that the trucks were brought to an abrupt halt by the sight of a small Iranian boy carrying a bulky sack. He looked tired and hungry, so the men offered him a billy-can of meat. And as he ate, they gasped in astonishment as the sack beside him began to move and the head of a honey-coloured bear cub emerged sleepily into the sunlight.
Although none of the men could understand Farsi, the boy was able to indicate by his actions that he had found the bear cub whimpering outside one of the caves, its mother having been shot by a hunter. The orphaned cub was in poor condition and it was almost certain he would not survive the day. One of the men, therefore, offered to buy the orphaned cub for a few toumans. Someone else fumbled for a bar of chocolate and a tin of corned beef to give him. Another took from his pocket an army penknife that opened up like a flower. The boy smiled, pocketed the offerings and disappeared forever from their lives.
A feeding bottle had to be hastily improvised from an empty bottle of vodka into which a handkerchief had been stuffed to serve as a teat. They filled it with condensed milk, diluted it with a little water, and gave it to the little bear to drink. When he had finished it, he crept up close to one of the soldiers for warmth and fell asleep on his chest. The soldier’s name was Piotr (Peter) and he became forever afterward, the bear’s closest and most enduring friend.
The cub clung desperately to his substitute mother all through the tortured journey across Persia, Iraq and Jordan, along vast distances that seemed to loose heart and succumb to the despair of barrenness. Sometimes the man would lock the bear in the warmth of his greatcoat so that it became part of him. In the evenings, as he sat with the other men around the fire telling tales late into the night, the bear cub would be rocked to sleep in the sound of his immense laughter. In time, the orphan lost himself in the lives of these strangers and entangled himself completely in the rhythms and cadences of their speech. From that time onwards he became wholly theirs: body, will and soul.
In this way, Voytek the Iranian brown bear from Hamadan entered the lives of the soldiers of the Second Polish Army Corps, transforming all their destinies.
In the months that followed, he won over the hearts of all who met him. The soldiers, who had all endured the horrors and hardships of Siberia, needed something in their lives to love, and the presence of Voytek was a wonderful tonic for their morale. Despite his brute strength, which grew day by day, he was always an amiable and a gentle giant. The soldiers treated him from the start as one of their own company and never as a pet. They shared their food with him, allowed him to sleep in their tents at night and included him in all their activities.
If the unit was ordered to march out, he would march with them on two legs like a soldier. When they were being transported to some distant location, he would ride in the front seat of the jeeps (or transport wagons) to the great amazement of passers-by. More than anything, however, he loved to wrestle with the soldiers, taking on three or four of them at a time. Sometimes he was even gracious enough to allow them the courtesy of winning. Over the next few years, he shared all their fortunes, and went with them wherever they were posted throughout the Middle East. He grew to be almost six feet tall and weighed 500 pounds.
In early 1944, the men of Voytek’s unit were ordered embark for Italy to join the Allied advance on Rome. The British authorities gave strict instructions that no animals were to accompany them. The Poles therefore enrolled Voytek into the army as a rank-and-file member of their company and duly waved the relevant papers in front of the British officers on the dockside at Alexandria. Faced with such impeccable credentials, the British shrugged their shoulders and waved the bear aboard. In this way, Voytek the Iranian bear became an enlisted soldier in the 22nd Transport Division (Artillery Supply) of the Polish 2nd Army Corps.
Monte Cassino was the strategic key to the allied advance on Rome. Three bloody attempts by the British, Americans, Indians, French and New Zealanders to dislodge the enemy from the famous hill-top monastery had failed. In April 1944, the Polish forces were sent in. It was one of the bloodiest battles of the war. Much of the fighting was at close quarters. The shelling, which continued night and day without interval, scarred and cratered the landscape until it resembled the pock-marked surface of the moon.
During the most crucial phase of the battle, when pockets of men were cut off on the mountainside desperately in need of supplies, Voytek, who all this time had been watching his comrades frantically loading heavy boxes of ammunition, came over to the trucks, stood on his hind legs in front of the supervising officer and stretched out his paws toward him. It was as if he was saying: “I can do this. Let me help you”. The officer handed the animal the heavy box and watched in wonder as Voytek loaded it effortlessly onto the truck.
Backwards and forwards he continued, time and time again, carrying heavy shells, artillery boxes and food sacks from truck to truck, from one waiting man to another, effortlessly. The deafening noise of the explosions and gunfire did not seem to worry him. Each artillery box held four 23 lbs live shells; some even weighed more than a hundred. He never dropped a single one. And still he went on repeatedly, all day and every day until the monastery was finally taken.
One of the soldiers happened to sketch a picture of Voytek carrying a large artillery shell in his arms, and this image became the symbol of the 22nd artillery transport, worn proudly on the sleeves of their uniforms ever afterwards and emblazoned on all the unit’s vehicles.
Now famous, he completed his tour of duty in Italy and when the war was over, he sailed the Polish Army to exile in Scotland. Here, once again, he found himself a celebrity. In Glasgow, people lined the streets in their thousands to catch sight of the famous soldier-bear marching upright in step with his comrades.
Voytek’s last days, however, were steeped in sadness. In 1947, the Polish army in Scotland was demobilized and a home had to be found for him to live out his retirement.
Although he was world-famous, the bear of Monte Cassino was forced to spent his last years behind bars in Edinburgh’s Zoological gardens. Artists came to sketch him and sculptors to make statues of him. Sometimes his old army friends arrived to visit him, leaping over the barriers to wrestle and play with him in the bear enclosure (to the utter horror of all the visitors and zoo officials). But he did not take well to captivity, and as the years passed, he increasingly preferred to stay indoors, refusing to meet anyone.
I was lucky enough to see him just before his death in 1963. He was sitting at the back of his large enclosure, silent and immobile. It was said that he was sulking, angry at being abandoned by those he had loved. Others said he was merely showing the symptoms of old age. None of the shouts from his assembled visitors seemed to catch his attention. But when I called out to him in Polish, something seemed to stir in him at last, and he turned his head towards me as if in recognition.
He died in Edinburgh at the age of 22 on 15th November 1963. A plaque was erected in his memory by the zoo authorities. Statues of him were placed in the Imperial War Museum in London and in the Canadian War Museum in Ottawa. But although he had entered the pages of military history, the Iranian soldier-bear of Monte Cassino would have preferred to remain in the company of the soldiers with whom he had shared five years of war and countless memories of devoted companionship.
Wojtek - Niedźwiedź Żołnierz (Voytek - Soldier Bear)
Voytek - Soldier Bear ( Wojtek - Niedźwiedź Żołnierz )
Ryszard Antolak
August 8, 2005
iranian.com
After the Battle of Monte Cassino, one of the fiercest and bloodiest conflicts of the Second World War, many accounts emerged of the bravery and heroism of the soldiers. But perhaps the strangest story of all was of an Iranian brown bear who served alongside the allied soldiers in the worst heat of the battle. Despite the incessant bombardment and constant gunfire, the bear carried vital supplies of ammunition and food to his fellow-soldiers fighting on the mountainside. Many observers who witnessed his remarkable actions doubted the reality of what they were seeing. But the story was no legend.
At the time of his death in 1964, he was the most famous bear in the world, visited by countless celebrities and adored by the international press. Books and articles were written about him, statues and plaques commemorated his actions. To the men of the 22nd Transport Company (Artillery Supply) however, he was merely “Voytek” a remarkable fellow soldier, and their beloved comrade.
He was born in the mountains of Hamadan, in one of the many caves to be found in that dusty mountainous area. At the age of eight weeks his mother was killed by a group of hunters, but he was rescued by a young Iranian boy who thrust him into a hempen sack and set off with him homeward along a narrow dusty path.
Iran at that time was going through one of the unhappier periods of her history. Occupied by the Russians and the British, her relations with the soldiers of those two countries were understandably tense and strained. In April 1942, however, Iran opened its arms to receive hundreds of thousands of Polish citizens (men, women and children) who had been released from the Soviet labour camps of Siberia and Kazakhstan. Having arrived at the port of Pahlavi (now Bandar-e Anzali), they were suffering from various diseases, including malnutrition, and had to be rested in the vast tented city hastily built for them on the shores of the Caspian. When they were well enough to travel, however, they were taken to more substantial military and civilian resettlement camps all over Iran.
Most of the civilians (women and children) were destined to remain as guests of Iran for up to three years. But the able-bodied men were almost immediately sent westwards to join the Polish forces in Lebanon. A long stream of covered trucks left Anzali daily carrying the future soldiers along the narrow twisted roads via Qazvin, Hamadan and Kermanshah to the borders of Iraq and beyond.
It was on one of the narrow mountain roads somewhere between Hamadan and Kangavar, that the trucks were brought to an abrupt halt by the sight of a small Iranian boy carrying a bulky sack. He looked tired and hungry, so the men offered him a billy-can of meat. And as he ate, they gasped in astonishment as the sack beside him began to move and the head of a honey-coloured bear cub emerged sleepily into the sunlight.
Although none of the men could understand Farsi, the boy was able to indicate by his actions that he had found the bear cub whimpering outside one of the caves, its mother having been shot by a hunter. The orphaned cub was in poor condition and it was almost certain he would not survive the day. One of the men, therefore, offered to buy the orphaned cub for a few toumans. Someone else fumbled for a bar of chocolate and a tin of corned beef to give him. Another took from his pocket an army penknife that opened up like a flower. The boy smiled, pocketed the offerings and disappeared forever from their lives.
A feeding bottle had to be hastily improvised from an empty bottle of vodka into which a handkerchief had been stuffed to serve as a teat. They filled it with condensed milk, diluted it with a little water, and gave it to the little bear to drink. When he had finished it, he crept up close to one of the soldiers for warmth and fell asleep on his chest. The soldier’s name was Piotr (Peter) and he became forever afterward, the bear’s closest and most enduring friend.
The cub clung desperately to his substitute mother all through the tortured journey across Persia, Iraq and Jordan, along vast distances that seemed to loose heart and succumb to the despair of barrenness. Sometimes the man would lock the bear in the warmth of his greatcoat so that it became part of him. In the evenings, as he sat with the other men around the fire telling tales late into the night, the bear cub would be rocked to sleep in the sound of his immense laughter. In time, the orphan lost himself in the lives of these strangers and entangled himself completely in the rhythms and cadences of their speech. From that time onwards he became wholly theirs: body, will and soul.
In this way, Voytek the Iranian brown bear from Hamadan entered the lives of the soldiers of the Second Polish Army Corps, transforming all their destinies.
In the months that followed, he won over the hearts of all who met him. The soldiers, who had all endured the horrors and hardships of Siberia, needed something in their lives to love, and the presence of Voytek was a wonderful tonic for their morale. Despite his brute strength, which grew day by day, he was always an amiable and a gentle giant. The soldiers treated him from the start as one of their own company and never as a pet. They shared their food with him, allowed him to sleep in their tents at night and included him in all their activities.
If the unit was ordered to march out, he would march with them on two legs like a soldier. When they were being transported to some distant location, he would ride in the front seat of the jeeps (or transport wagons) to the great amazement of passers-by. More than anything, however, he loved to wrestle with the soldiers, taking on three or four of them at a time. Sometimes he was even gracious enough to allow them the courtesy of winning. Over the next few years, he shared all their fortunes, and went with them wherever they were posted throughout the Middle East. He grew to be almost six feet tall and weighed 500 pounds.
In early 1944, the men of Voytek’s unit were ordered embark for Italy to join the Allied advance on Rome. The British authorities gave strict instructions that no animals were to accompany them. The Poles therefore enrolled Voytek into the army as a rank-and-file member of their company and duly waved the relevant papers in front of the British officers on the dockside at Alexandria. Faced with such impeccable credentials, the British shrugged their shoulders and waved the bear aboard. In this way, Voytek the Iranian bear became an enlisted soldier in the 22nd Transport Division (Artillery Supply) of the Polish 2nd Army Corps.
Monte Cassino was the strategic key to the allied advance on Rome. Three bloody attempts by the British, Americans, Indians, French and New Zealanders to dislodge the enemy from the famous hill-top monastery had failed. In April 1944, the Polish forces were sent in. It was one of the bloodiest battles of the war. Much of the fighting was at close quarters. The shelling, which continued night and day without interval, scarred and cratered the landscape until it resembled the pock-marked surface of the moon.
During the most crucial phase of the battle, when pockets of men were cut off on the mountainside desperately in need of supplies, Voytek, who all this time had been watching his comrades frantically loading heavy boxes of ammunition, came over to the trucks, stood on his hind legs in front of the supervising officer and stretched out his paws toward him. It was as if he was saying: “I can do this. Let me help you”. The officer handed the animal the heavy box and watched in wonder as Voytek loaded it effortlessly onto the truck.
Backwards and forwards he continued, time and time again, carrying heavy shells, artillery boxes and food sacks from truck to truck, from one waiting man to another, effortlessly. The deafening noise of the explosions and gunfire did not seem to worry him. Each artillery box held four 23 lbs live shells; some even weighed more than a hundred. He never dropped a single one. And still he went on repeatedly, all day and every day until the monastery was finally taken.
One of the soldiers happened to sketch a picture of Voytek carrying a large artillery shell in his arms, and this image became the symbol of the 22nd artillery transport, worn proudly on the sleeves of their uniforms ever afterwards and emblazoned on all the unit’s vehicles.
Now famous, he completed his tour of duty in Italy and when the war was over, he sailed the Polish Army to exile in Scotland. Here, once again, he found himself a celebrity. In Glasgow, people lined the streets in their thousands to catch sight of the famous soldier-bear marching upright in step with his comrades.
Voytek’s last days, however, were steeped in sadness. In 1947, the Polish army in Scotland was demobilized and a home had to be found for him to live out his retirement.
Although he was world-famous, the bear of Monte Cassino was forced to spent his last years behind bars in Edinburgh’s Zoological gardens. Artists came to sketch him and sculptors to make statues of him. Sometimes his old army friends arrived to visit him, leaping over the barriers to wrestle and play with him in the bear enclosure (to the utter horror of all the visitors and zoo officials). But he did not take well to captivity, and as the years passed, he increasingly preferred to stay indoors, refusing to meet anyone.
I was lucky enough to see him just before his death in 1963. He was sitting at the back of his large enclosure, silent and immobile. It was said that he was sulking, angry at being abandoned by those he had loved. Others said he was merely showing the symptoms of old age. None of the shouts from his assembled visitors seemed to catch his attention. But when I called out to him in Polish, something seemed to stir in him at last, and he turned his head towards me as if in recognition.
He died in Edinburgh at the age of 22 on 15th November 1963. A plaque was erected in his memory by the zoo authorities. Statues of him were placed in the Imperial War Museum in London and in the Canadian War Museum in Ottawa. But although he had entered the pages of military history, the Iranian soldier-bear of Monte Cassino would have preferred to remain in the company of the soldiers with whom he had shared five years of war and countless memories of devoted companionship.
Sunday, March 23, 2008
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 1 of 7
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 1 of 7
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 2 of 7
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 3 of 7
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 4 of 7
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 5 of 7
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 6 of 7
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 7 of 7
The "Israel Lobby"
AIPAC: The Israeli Lobby pt 4 of 5
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 2 of 7
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 3 of 7
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 4 of 7
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 5 of 7
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 6 of 7
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 7 of 7
The "Israel Lobby"
AIPAC: The Israeli Lobby pt 4 of 5
USS Liberty Attack - False Flag
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 2 of 7
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 3 of 7
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 4 of 7
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 5 of 7
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 6 of 7
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 7 of 7
The "Israel Lobby"
AIPAC: The Israeli Lobby pt 4 of 5
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 2 of 7
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 3 of 7
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 4 of 7
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 5 of 7
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 6 of 7
Israel Attacks the USS Liberty pt 7 of 7
The "Israel Lobby"
AIPAC: The Israeli Lobby pt 4 of 5
Thursday, March 20, 2008
Poland so far immune from fears of global slowdown
Poland so far immune from fears of global slowdown
Poland so far immune from fears of global slowdown
February's better than expected results of industrial output growth has laid to rest immediate fears that the economy will slow due to global recession.
According to the Central Statistical Office (GUS), the annual growth of industrial output sold amounted to 14.9% last month, while in the construction sector alone, growth stood at 21%. According to experts, rapid growth in the sectors with a strong share of export sales dispelled fears that a global slowdown reflects on the national economy. The Finance Ministry believes that GDP growth in Q1 might reach 6%, while previous estimates mentioned a figure of 5.5%. However, according to analysts, a negative effect of better than anticipated data of industrial growth might encourage another interest rate hike, which is expected to take place next week. (Parkiet, pp. 1, 2, 3; Rzeczpospolita, pp. B1, B5) M.M.
Poland so far immune from fears of global slowdown
February's better than expected results of industrial output growth has laid to rest immediate fears that the economy will slow due to global recession.
According to the Central Statistical Office (GUS), the annual growth of industrial output sold amounted to 14.9% last month, while in the construction sector alone, growth stood at 21%. According to experts, rapid growth in the sectors with a strong share of export sales dispelled fears that a global slowdown reflects on the national economy. The Finance Ministry believes that GDP growth in Q1 might reach 6%, while previous estimates mentioned a figure of 5.5%. However, according to analysts, a negative effect of better than anticipated data of industrial growth might encourage another interest rate hike, which is expected to take place next week. (Parkiet, pp. 1, 2, 3; Rzeczpospolita, pp. B1, B5) M.M.
Monday, March 17, 2008
Polski przemysł wydobywczy kpt. Zbigniew Sulatycki
Polski przemysł wydobywczy kpt. Zbigniew Sulatycki
Sunday, March 16, 2008
Iran to build a commercial center in Belarus Service: Economy
Iran to build a commercial center in Belarus Service: Economy
1386/12/26
03-16-2008
14:50:11
News Code :8612-14375
ISNA - Tehran
Service: Economy
TEHRAN, March. 16 (ISNA)-Iran started constructing the first Iranian commercial, sports and administrative center in the Belarusian city of Brest.
The center also includes amphitheaters, administrative offices, conference halls and a permanent place for exhibition of Iranian goods.
Sharing borderlines with the European Union, Poland and Ukraine are among the advantages of the center.
The building whose construction costs about 15 million dollars will be run by next two years.
Brest's mayor also encouraged Iranian investors to advocate funds in Brest possessing a unique status.
1386/12/26
03-16-2008
14:50:11
News Code :8612-14375
ISNA - Tehran
Service: Economy
TEHRAN, March. 16 (ISNA)-Iran started constructing the first Iranian commercial, sports and administrative center in the Belarusian city of Brest.
The center also includes amphitheaters, administrative offices, conference halls and a permanent place for exhibition of Iranian goods.
Sharing borderlines with the European Union, Poland and Ukraine are among the advantages of the center.
The building whose construction costs about 15 million dollars will be run by next two years.
Brest's mayor also encouraged Iranian investors to advocate funds in Brest possessing a unique status.
Friday, March 14, 2008
Polish sailing ship detained in Israel
Polish sailing ship detained in Israel
Polish sailing ship detained in Israel
14.03.2008 12:43
The Polish sailing ship ‘Pogoria’, with students from a Warsaw secondary school and their teachers on board, has been detained on the ship in Haifa, a seaport located on Israel's Mediterranean coastline.
STS Pogoria - polski żaglowiec, stalowa, trójmasztowa barkentyna zbudowana w 1980 r. w Stoczni Gdańskiej im. W. Lenina. Ma wymiary: dł. kadłuba 40.9 m, wys. 33.5 m, załoga 7+46 osób. Jest to drugi co do wielkości (na równi z bliźniaczą "Iskrą") wśród obecnie pływających polskich żaglowców. "Pogoria" jest malowana na biało z szerokim niebieskim pasem, czym odróżnia się od "Iskry" z pasem czerwonym.
Zobacz więcej w osobnym artykule: ORP Iskra (1982).
"Pogoria" jest pierwszym dużym żaglowcem zaprojektowanym przez polskiego konstruktora statków - inż. Zygmunta Chorenia i stanowiła pierwowzór dla kilku podobnych jednostek, w budowie których polskie stocznie później się wyspecjalizowały. Były to: "Pogoria", "Iskra" i bułgarska "Kaliakra", a nieco później "Oceania" (eksperymentalny żaglowiec badawczy PAN), oraz "Concordia" wybudowana dla kanadyjskiego armatora w Szczecinie.
Spis treści[ukryj]
1 Historia
2 Geneza nazwy żaglowca:
3 Przypisy
3.1 Linki zewnętrzne
//
Historia [edytuj]
"Pogoria" powstała na zamówienie Telewizji Polskiej (a dokładniej: Radiokomitetu) dla Bractwa Żelaznej Szekli. Bractwo powstało z inicjatywy kpt. Adama Jassera w 1971 r. i dorobiło się z czasem własnej audycji w TV pod nazwą "Latający Holender" prowadzonej przez kpt. Krzysztofa Baranowskiego, który został także pierwszym kapitanem "Pogorii". Znaki przypominające krzyże, które przez wiele lat nosiła "Pogoria" na żaglach rejowych, to cztery skrzyżowane szekle, symbol Bractwa.
Debiut "Pogorii" w regatach Cutty Sark miał miejsce na trasie wyścigu Mon-Karlskrona. Żaglowiec pierwszy minął linię mety, pozostawiając inne jednostki klasy A daleko z tyłu. Zwycięstwo to było bardzo cenne, gdyż "Pogoria" od momentu powstania wzbudzała wiele emocji. Podważano zasadność tak wielkich wydatków w czasach rodzącego się kryzysu gospodarczego. Gdy powstawała u schyłku epoki Gierka, podejrzewano, że jest luksusowym jachtem jednego z największych ówczesnych prominentów, szefa Radiokomitetu - Macieja Szczepańskiego (ksywa "Krwawy Maciuś"). Poważne gazety wypisywały wówczas idiotyzmy o znajdującej się na pokładzie stajni dla koni wyścigowych i oryginałach obrazów Malczewskiego wiszących w luksusowych wnętrzach.
Przed decyzją o sprzedaniu statku uratował "Pogorię" długi rejs, specjalnie wymyślony aby zawistnym ludziom zejść z oczu i aby trochę na siłę znaleźć gospodarcze zastosowanie dla tej jednostki. Była to dość ryzykowna wyprawa na Antarktydę (a dokładniej: do Antarktyki, gdyż samego kontynentu nie planowano osiągnąć,) gdzie żaglowiec spełniał rolę transportowca, przewożąc ludzi i sprzęt dla antarktycznej stacji PAN. Wyprawa odbyła się w dniach 7.12.1980 - 10.04.1981, a jej celem była Polska Stacja Antarktyczna im. Henryka Arctowskiego na Wyspach Króla Jerzego. Jednostka nie posiadała dla żeglugi w lodach ani wystarczającego wyposażenia, ani odpowiedniej konstrukcji - brak tzw. "klasy lodowej". Nie znano np. stateczności statku w przypadku oblodzenia drzewc (co oznaczało nawet kilkaset kilogramów lodu na rejach) w warunkach silnego wiatru, a warunki dla załogi były mało komfortowe jak na tamte akweny. Naukowcy, po długim pobycie na stacji polarnej, byli zmęczeni pracą i sobą nawzajem, i nie mieli ochoty żeglować na "Pogorii". Było to przyczyną niesnasek i problemów między częścią załogi a kadrą. Rejs był nieuzasadniony ekonomicznie (zbyt mała przestrzeń ładunkowa), ale nie o to przecież chodziło. Aczkolwiek naukowców dostarczono za ułamek ceny, którą PAN płacił obsługującym stację statkom towarowym, a ci, którzy odmówili na Stacji wejścia na pokład żaglowca, spóźnili się na święta do kraju płynąc miesiąc później motorowcem.
Rejs zaowocował także wspaniałym, liczącym kilkadziesiąt piosenek śpiewnikiem, którego większość utworów powstała właśnie w trakcie trwania rejsu. Śpiewnik ten ukazuje całą wyprawę w dużo pozytywniejszym świetle. Na uwagę zasługuje fakt, że na spotkanie w 15 rocznicę sławnego rejsu "Pogorii" stawili się w komplecie wszyscy - i załoga, i pasażerowie, a ci, którzy nie mogli przybyć osobiście, słali telegramy z pozdrowieniami.
Poza nietypowymi dla "Pogorii" akwenami podbiegunowymi jednostka okazała się szybka, dzielna i bezpieczna, a ocenę tę potwierdziły następne długie rejsy statku, w tym rejs do Sri Lanki, z opłynięciem po obu stronach Afryki, w pełnym okresie roku szkolnego, z młodzieżą licealną na pokładzie (1983-84), znany jako Szkoła Pod Żaglami (inicjator i kapitan - K.Baranowski), jako że jej uczestnicy godzili zwykłe obowiązki załogi żaglowca (także "psie wachty") z nauką. Była to prawdziwa szkoła charakterów, gdyż wyselekcjonowani z kilku tysięcy zgłoszeń chłopcy, po kilkuetapowych eliminacjach i obozie przygotowawczym, przerabiali, już na morzu, normalny program szkoły średniej, program bez taryfy ulgowej i w dodatku na wysokim poziomie, a część wróciła z ocenami niedostatecznymi (w warunkach lądowych byłyby to oceny co najmniej średnie). W trakcie rejsu żaglowiec zawijał do wielu portów, zarabiając na siebie czarterami, a w tym czasie wolna załoga miała możliwość kilkudniowego zwiedzania okolic.
Sukces Szkoły sprawił, że przedsięwzięciem i statkiem zainteresowali się Kanadyjczycy z West Island College w Montrealu, którzy zorganizowali na jego pokładzie w 1985 r. własną szkołę "Class Afloat". W efekcie tego udanego eksperymentu "Pogoria" w następnych sezonach była przez nich kilkakrotnie dzierżawiona, a w trakcie jednego z rejsów statek opłynął świat. Kanadyjczycy zbudowali w końcu w Szczecinie w 1992 r. własny, bliźniaczy żaglowiec "Concordia".
Kolejnym przedsięwzięciem była wyprawa zorganizowana w formie szkoły w latach 1988-89, z młodzieżą z Polski, USA i ZSRR. "Pogoria" pokonała wtedy trasę dookoła Przylądka Horn, w bardzo trudnych warunkach, płynąc w kierunku ze wschodu na zachód.
Obecnym armatorem żaglowca jest STA Poland (Sail Training Association Poland) - stowarzyszenie zajmujące się morskim szkoleniem (a właściwie wychowaniem) młodzieży.
Sukces "SzpŻ" odbił się szerokim echem, a specjalnością Kpt. Baranowskiego stało się odtąd bądź prowadzenie kolejnych szkół, bądź współpraca przy ich organizowaniu. W 1992 r. powstał dla Fundacji "Międzynarodowa Szkoła Pod Żaglami" s/y "Fryderyk Chopin", na który "Szkoła" przeniosła się z "Pogorii". Na "Pogorii" szkolne wachty odbywają się niemal w ruchu ciągłym - wystarczy obejrzeć "rozkład jazdy" żaglowca w internecie.
Pogoria od 2005 roku bierze udział w regatach Tall Ships' Races. W 2006 roku zajęła 6. miejsce, natomiast w 2007 roku 7. miejsce.
Z inicjatywy dr. Jana Grabskiego z Wydziału Fizyki Politechniki Warszawskiej od trzech lat na pokładzie Pogorii raz do roku odbywa się "Fizyka pod żaglami" mająca na celu propagowanie fizyki poprzez prezentowanie doświadczeń dla zwiedzających żaglowiec. Bierze w niej udział grupa studentów fizyki, a kapitanem jest Adam Jasser. Na finałach Tall Ships' Races 2007 Pogoria otrzymała nagrodę specjalną za ideę "Fizyki pod żaglami".
13 marca 2008 około drugiej w nocy Pogoria zderzyła sie z izraelską łodzią rybacka. Statek został zatrzymany przez izraelską prokuraturę w porcie w Hajfie. Polacy twierdzą, że wina leży po stronie samych poszkodowanych.[1]
Geneza nazwy żaglowca: [edytuj]
Żaglowiec "Pogoria" zwodowano, gdy I sekretarzem KC PZPR był Edward Gierek, pochodzący z Sosnowca, miasta Zagłębia Dąbrowskiego. Z Zagłębia pochodziło też wielu działaczy politycznych i decydentów tamtego okresu, a wśród nich szef Radiokomitetu, pierwszego armatora "Pogorii" - Maciej Szczepański. Na terenie Dąbrowy Górniczej – najrozleglejszego miasta Zagłębia, znajduje się zbiornik wodny - Pogoria I, otoczony kilkunastoma ośrodkami wypoczynkowymi i klubami żeglarskimi. Swoje pierwsze kroki żeglarskie właśnie tutaj stawiał Maciej Szczepański - i stąd właśnie nazwa żaglowca.
When sailing out of the port Pogoria rammed a small fishing boat slightly injuring two Israeli fishermen. According to ship’s crew, the fishermen are to blame for the accident as they failed to put on the warning lights on their boat.
The Haifa port authorities unofficially corroborated this version of events, but the law requires for the matter to be duly investigated.
None of the Poles were arrested but for the time being they have to remain on board, as their passports were taken away and they do not have Israeli visas.
Pogoria will probably be able to sail out of Haifa on Monday, once insurance issues have been settled.
Experience the thrill of sailing on a style of vessel that conquered the oceans of the world. From the beginning of world exploration, till the age a steam, these tall ships evolved to the pinnacle of sail technology. Many of the records set by the lumber and tea clippers of yesteryear still stand, a testament to man's ingenuity and engineering.
Ten thousand square feet of sail, a sight to behold.
All photographs courtesy of Capt. Adam Jasser.
Most of their numbers are gone, yet a few are still sailing as training vessels and still other are being commissioned to keep the spirit alive. The ship Pogoria was built in 1980 for the IRON SHACKLE FRATERNITY - a marine educational project which was conceived and founded by Captain Adam Jasser in 1971. The project was later sponsored by the Polish National Television , the TV Magazine : FLYING DUTCHMAN. The current owner and operator of Sail Training Ship (STS) POGORIA is the Sail Training Association Poland, which is a national branch of the famous British organization, The International Sail Training Association. The Sail Training Association Poland made Captain Adam Jasser their honorary member one.
One of the berths aboard the Pogoria
At 154 feet overall with accommodations for up to 50 crew and students. The vessel can be provisioned for 30 days or more. The Pogoria is 342 gross tons with a beam of 26 feet and a draft of 11 feet, carrying more than 10,700 square feet of sail and will reach speeds of 15 knots. It is not uncommon for the Pogoria to average more than 250 nautical miles in 24 hours.
During the Cutty Sark Tall Ships Race '02 from Malaga to La Coruna Spain, I sailed on the tallship STS "Pogoria". The tallship was a 148 foot three-masted Barquentine with a square rig on its first mast. The sail, which lasted 11 days, included the passage through the Straight of Gibraltar and sailing around the Cape St. Vincent. I lived and worked with 40 trainees. Some of my duties included galley work, helping the cook, standing on watch at the helm and the navigation table, keeping the ship's log, trimming the sails, and keeping the ship clean. The greatest thing I had to do was going aloft and handling the square sails.
14.03.2008 12:43
The Polish sailing ship ‘Pogoria’, with students from a Warsaw secondary school and their teachers on board, has been detained on the ship in Haifa, a seaport located on Israel's Mediterranean coastline.
STS Pogoria - polski żaglowiec, stalowa, trójmasztowa barkentyna zbudowana w 1980 r. w Stoczni Gdańskiej im. W. Lenina. Ma wymiary: dł. kadłuba 40.9 m, wys. 33.5 m, załoga 7+46 osób. Jest to drugi co do wielkości (na równi z bliźniaczą "Iskrą") wśród obecnie pływających polskich żaglowców. "Pogoria" jest malowana na biało z szerokim niebieskim pasem, czym odróżnia się od "Iskry" z pasem czerwonym.
Zobacz więcej w osobnym artykule: ORP Iskra (1982).
"Pogoria" jest pierwszym dużym żaglowcem zaprojektowanym przez polskiego konstruktora statków - inż. Zygmunta Chorenia i stanowiła pierwowzór dla kilku podobnych jednostek, w budowie których polskie stocznie później się wyspecjalizowały. Były to: "Pogoria", "Iskra" i bułgarska "Kaliakra", a nieco później "Oceania" (eksperymentalny żaglowiec badawczy PAN), oraz "Concordia" wybudowana dla kanadyjskiego armatora w Szczecinie.
Spis treści[ukryj]
1 Historia
2 Geneza nazwy żaglowca:
3 Przypisy
3.1 Linki zewnętrzne
//
Historia [edytuj]
"Pogoria" powstała na zamówienie Telewizji Polskiej (a dokładniej: Radiokomitetu) dla Bractwa Żelaznej Szekli. Bractwo powstało z inicjatywy kpt. Adama Jassera w 1971 r. i dorobiło się z czasem własnej audycji w TV pod nazwą "Latający Holender" prowadzonej przez kpt. Krzysztofa Baranowskiego, który został także pierwszym kapitanem "Pogorii". Znaki przypominające krzyże, które przez wiele lat nosiła "Pogoria" na żaglach rejowych, to cztery skrzyżowane szekle, symbol Bractwa.
Debiut "Pogorii" w regatach Cutty Sark miał miejsce na trasie wyścigu Mon-Karlskrona. Żaglowiec pierwszy minął linię mety, pozostawiając inne jednostki klasy A daleko z tyłu. Zwycięstwo to było bardzo cenne, gdyż "Pogoria" od momentu powstania wzbudzała wiele emocji. Podważano zasadność tak wielkich wydatków w czasach rodzącego się kryzysu gospodarczego. Gdy powstawała u schyłku epoki Gierka, podejrzewano, że jest luksusowym jachtem jednego z największych ówczesnych prominentów, szefa Radiokomitetu - Macieja Szczepańskiego (ksywa "Krwawy Maciuś"). Poważne gazety wypisywały wówczas idiotyzmy o znajdującej się na pokładzie stajni dla koni wyścigowych i oryginałach obrazów Malczewskiego wiszących w luksusowych wnętrzach.
Przed decyzją o sprzedaniu statku uratował "Pogorię" długi rejs, specjalnie wymyślony aby zawistnym ludziom zejść z oczu i aby trochę na siłę znaleźć gospodarcze zastosowanie dla tej jednostki. Była to dość ryzykowna wyprawa na Antarktydę (a dokładniej: do Antarktyki, gdyż samego kontynentu nie planowano osiągnąć,) gdzie żaglowiec spełniał rolę transportowca, przewożąc ludzi i sprzęt dla antarktycznej stacji PAN. Wyprawa odbyła się w dniach 7.12.1980 - 10.04.1981, a jej celem była Polska Stacja Antarktyczna im. Henryka Arctowskiego na Wyspach Króla Jerzego. Jednostka nie posiadała dla żeglugi w lodach ani wystarczającego wyposażenia, ani odpowiedniej konstrukcji - brak tzw. "klasy lodowej". Nie znano np. stateczności statku w przypadku oblodzenia drzewc (co oznaczało nawet kilkaset kilogramów lodu na rejach) w warunkach silnego wiatru, a warunki dla załogi były mało komfortowe jak na tamte akweny. Naukowcy, po długim pobycie na stacji polarnej, byli zmęczeni pracą i sobą nawzajem, i nie mieli ochoty żeglować na "Pogorii". Było to przyczyną niesnasek i problemów między częścią załogi a kadrą. Rejs był nieuzasadniony ekonomicznie (zbyt mała przestrzeń ładunkowa), ale nie o to przecież chodziło. Aczkolwiek naukowców dostarczono za ułamek ceny, którą PAN płacił obsługującym stację statkom towarowym, a ci, którzy odmówili na Stacji wejścia na pokład żaglowca, spóźnili się na święta do kraju płynąc miesiąc później motorowcem.
Rejs zaowocował także wspaniałym, liczącym kilkadziesiąt piosenek śpiewnikiem, którego większość utworów powstała właśnie w trakcie trwania rejsu. Śpiewnik ten ukazuje całą wyprawę w dużo pozytywniejszym świetle. Na uwagę zasługuje fakt, że na spotkanie w 15 rocznicę sławnego rejsu "Pogorii" stawili się w komplecie wszyscy - i załoga, i pasażerowie, a ci, którzy nie mogli przybyć osobiście, słali telegramy z pozdrowieniami.
Poza nietypowymi dla "Pogorii" akwenami podbiegunowymi jednostka okazała się szybka, dzielna i bezpieczna, a ocenę tę potwierdziły następne długie rejsy statku, w tym rejs do Sri Lanki, z opłynięciem po obu stronach Afryki, w pełnym okresie roku szkolnego, z młodzieżą licealną na pokładzie (1983-84), znany jako Szkoła Pod Żaglami (inicjator i kapitan - K.Baranowski), jako że jej uczestnicy godzili zwykłe obowiązki załogi żaglowca (także "psie wachty") z nauką. Była to prawdziwa szkoła charakterów, gdyż wyselekcjonowani z kilku tysięcy zgłoszeń chłopcy, po kilkuetapowych eliminacjach i obozie przygotowawczym, przerabiali, już na morzu, normalny program szkoły średniej, program bez taryfy ulgowej i w dodatku na wysokim poziomie, a część wróciła z ocenami niedostatecznymi (w warunkach lądowych byłyby to oceny co najmniej średnie). W trakcie rejsu żaglowiec zawijał do wielu portów, zarabiając na siebie czarterami, a w tym czasie wolna załoga miała możliwość kilkudniowego zwiedzania okolic.
Sukces Szkoły sprawił, że przedsięwzięciem i statkiem zainteresowali się Kanadyjczycy z West Island College w Montrealu, którzy zorganizowali na jego pokładzie w 1985 r. własną szkołę "Class Afloat". W efekcie tego udanego eksperymentu "Pogoria" w następnych sezonach była przez nich kilkakrotnie dzierżawiona, a w trakcie jednego z rejsów statek opłynął świat. Kanadyjczycy zbudowali w końcu w Szczecinie w 1992 r. własny, bliźniaczy żaglowiec "Concordia".
Kolejnym przedsięwzięciem była wyprawa zorganizowana w formie szkoły w latach 1988-89, z młodzieżą z Polski, USA i ZSRR. "Pogoria" pokonała wtedy trasę dookoła Przylądka Horn, w bardzo trudnych warunkach, płynąc w kierunku ze wschodu na zachód.
Obecnym armatorem żaglowca jest STA Poland (Sail Training Association Poland) - stowarzyszenie zajmujące się morskim szkoleniem (a właściwie wychowaniem) młodzieży.
Sukces "SzpŻ" odbił się szerokim echem, a specjalnością Kpt. Baranowskiego stało się odtąd bądź prowadzenie kolejnych szkół, bądź współpraca przy ich organizowaniu. W 1992 r. powstał dla Fundacji "Międzynarodowa Szkoła Pod Żaglami" s/y "Fryderyk Chopin", na który "Szkoła" przeniosła się z "Pogorii". Na "Pogorii" szkolne wachty odbywają się niemal w ruchu ciągłym - wystarczy obejrzeć "rozkład jazdy" żaglowca w internecie.
Pogoria od 2005 roku bierze udział w regatach Tall Ships' Races. W 2006 roku zajęła 6. miejsce, natomiast w 2007 roku 7. miejsce.
Z inicjatywy dr. Jana Grabskiego z Wydziału Fizyki Politechniki Warszawskiej od trzech lat na pokładzie Pogorii raz do roku odbywa się "Fizyka pod żaglami" mająca na celu propagowanie fizyki poprzez prezentowanie doświadczeń dla zwiedzających żaglowiec. Bierze w niej udział grupa studentów fizyki, a kapitanem jest Adam Jasser. Na finałach Tall Ships' Races 2007 Pogoria otrzymała nagrodę specjalną za ideę "Fizyki pod żaglami".
13 marca 2008 około drugiej w nocy Pogoria zderzyła sie z izraelską łodzią rybacka. Statek został zatrzymany przez izraelską prokuraturę w porcie w Hajfie. Polacy twierdzą, że wina leży po stronie samych poszkodowanych.[1]
Geneza nazwy żaglowca: [edytuj]
Żaglowiec "Pogoria" zwodowano, gdy I sekretarzem KC PZPR był Edward Gierek, pochodzący z Sosnowca, miasta Zagłębia Dąbrowskiego. Z Zagłębia pochodziło też wielu działaczy politycznych i decydentów tamtego okresu, a wśród nich szef Radiokomitetu, pierwszego armatora "Pogorii" - Maciej Szczepański. Na terenie Dąbrowy Górniczej – najrozleglejszego miasta Zagłębia, znajduje się zbiornik wodny - Pogoria I, otoczony kilkunastoma ośrodkami wypoczynkowymi i klubami żeglarskimi. Swoje pierwsze kroki żeglarskie właśnie tutaj stawiał Maciej Szczepański - i stąd właśnie nazwa żaglowca.
When sailing out of the port Pogoria rammed a small fishing boat slightly injuring two Israeli fishermen. According to ship’s crew, the fishermen are to blame for the accident as they failed to put on the warning lights on their boat.
The Haifa port authorities unofficially corroborated this version of events, but the law requires for the matter to be duly investigated.
None of the Poles were arrested but for the time being they have to remain on board, as their passports were taken away and they do not have Israeli visas.
Pogoria will probably be able to sail out of Haifa on Monday, once insurance issues have been settled.
Experience the thrill of sailing on a style of vessel that conquered the oceans of the world. From the beginning of world exploration, till the age a steam, these tall ships evolved to the pinnacle of sail technology. Many of the records set by the lumber and tea clippers of yesteryear still stand, a testament to man's ingenuity and engineering.
Ten thousand square feet of sail, a sight to behold.
All photographs courtesy of Capt. Adam Jasser.
Most of their numbers are gone, yet a few are still sailing as training vessels and still other are being commissioned to keep the spirit alive. The ship Pogoria was built in 1980 for the IRON SHACKLE FRATERNITY - a marine educational project which was conceived and founded by Captain Adam Jasser in 1971. The project was later sponsored by the Polish National Television , the TV Magazine : FLYING DUTCHMAN. The current owner and operator of Sail Training Ship (STS) POGORIA is the Sail Training Association Poland, which is a national branch of the famous British organization, The International Sail Training Association. The Sail Training Association Poland made Captain Adam Jasser their honorary member one.
One of the berths aboard the Pogoria
At 154 feet overall with accommodations for up to 50 crew and students. The vessel can be provisioned for 30 days or more. The Pogoria is 342 gross tons with a beam of 26 feet and a draft of 11 feet, carrying more than 10,700 square feet of sail and will reach speeds of 15 knots. It is not uncommon for the Pogoria to average more than 250 nautical miles in 24 hours.
During the Cutty Sark Tall Ships Race '02 from Malaga to La Coruna Spain, I sailed on the tallship STS "Pogoria". The tallship was a 148 foot three-masted Barquentine with a square rig on its first mast. The sail, which lasted 11 days, included the passage through the Straight of Gibraltar and sailing around the Cape St. Vincent. I lived and worked with 40 trainees. Some of my duties included galley work, helping the cook, standing on watch at the helm and the navigation table, keeping the ship's log, trimming the sails, and keeping the ship clean. The greatest thing I had to do was going aloft and handling the square sails.
Pomoc dla irackiej dziewczynki w Polsce
Katolicki arcybiskup Mosulu obrządku chaldejskiego w Iraku Paulos Faradż Raho, który został uprowadzony w piątek, 29 lutego, nie żyje
Katolicki arcybiskup Mosulu obrządku chaldejskiego w Iraku Paulos Faradż Raho, który został uprowadzony w piątek, 29 lutego, nie żyje
Arcybiskup ofiarą terroru
Nasz Dziennik, 2008-03-14
Uprowadzony dwa tygodnie temu w Mosulu ks. abp Paulos Faradż Raho nie żyje
Katolicki arcybiskup Mosulu obrządku chaldejskiego w Iraku Paulos Faradż Raho, który został uprowadzony w piątek, 29 lutego, nie żyje. Jego ciało odnaleziono na obrzeżach miasta. Hierarchę porwali nieznani sprawcy, gdy wracał po odprawieniu nabożeństwa Drogi Krzyżowej. W jedynym zdaniu, które od czasu uprowadzenia zdołał przekazać swoim bliskim, zaapelował, by pod żadnym pozorem nie negocjować z przestępcami, gdyż - jak podkreślał - "woli umrzeć jako męczennik, niż ulec szantażowi". Włoska agencja ANSA podała, że na ciele księdza biskupa nie znaleziono śladów ani tortur, ani użycia broni palnej. Niewykluczone, iż powodem zgonu był zły stan zdrowia.
Ciało księdza arcybiskupa zostało odnalezione wczoraj rano. "Znaleźliśmy go martwego na przedmieściach Mosulu. Porywacze go pochowali" - powiedział biskup pomocniczy Bagdadu Szlajmun Warduni. Bandyci już wcześniej kontaktowali się z przedstawicielami kurii, by przekazać, że arcybiskup Raho czuje się bardzo źle. W kolejnych rozmowach telefonicznych podali informacje, iż duchowny nie żyje, następnie zaś wskazali miejsce jego pochówku. Martwego arcybiskupa znaleziono w miejscu, które wskazali porywacze. Do tej pory nie wiadomo jednak, czy hierarcha zmarł z powodu złego stanu zdrowia, czy został zamordowany.
O śmierci księdza arcybiskupa poinformowano natychmiast Ojca Świętego Benedykta XVI. Dyrektor Biura Prasowego Stolicy Apostolskiej ks. Federico Lombardi przekazał, że Papież ma nadzieję, iż to tragiczne wydarzenie przyczyni się do nasilenia zaangażowania wszystkich, a w szczególności wspólnoty międzynarodowej, na rzecz przywrócenia pokoju w tym tak udręczonym kraju, jakim jest Irak. Ksiądz Lombardi nawiązał także do trudnej sytuacji narodu irackiego, wciąż nękanego przez absurdalną i niczym nieusprawiedliwioną przemoc, która szczególnie dotyka społeczność chrześcijańską. Zapewnił, że Ojciec Święty nieustannie modli się za cierpiących w wyniku wojny i prześladowanych na całym świecie. Podkreślił także, iż do końca nie tracono nadziei na uwolnienie metropolity Mosulu, o co Papież wielokrotnie prosił w swoich apelach.
To właśnie Stolica Apostolska jako pierwsza, już w kilka godzin po porwaniu, potępiła ten haniebny czyn. Benedykt XVI nazywał uprowadzenie ks. abp. Raho "odrażającym aktem", a w czasie modlitwy na "Anioł Pański" wyraził niepokój o los porwanego. Podkreślił przy tym, że w wyniku ślepych i absurdalnych działań wojennych, na pewno sprzecznych z wolą Boga, nieustających cierpień doświadcza wielu niewinnych Irakijczyków.
Początkowo sądzono, że napaść na duchownego ma podtekst ideologiczny lub religijny. Zwłaszcza gdy negocjujący z porywaczami ks. bp Basile Georges Casmoussa poinformował, iż wysuwają oni żądania polityczne. Jednak żadna z irackich partii czy grup militarnych o podłożu religijnym nie przyznała się do tego uprowadzenia. Ponadto islamscy duchowni jednego z najbardziej liczących się ugrupowań szyickich Muktady al-Sadra również zdecydowanie potępili tego typu akty agresji. Wywiesili na ulicach Kirkuku transparenty z napisem: "Takie działania są złe dla Iraku". Także władze cywilne Iraku zapewniły o podjęciu wszelkich koniecznych działań w celu uwolnienia księdza arcybiskupa. Niezwłocznie rozkazano siłom bezpieczeństwa przeszukanie całego regionu Mosulu, w szczególności zaś dzielnicy Nour, w której doszło do uprowadzenia hierarchy.
Wszystko wskazuje na to, że porywacze działali jedynie z chęci zysku. Porzucili wszelkie żądania o charakterze politycznym, domagając się tylko wysokiego okupu. Żadne płynące z całego świata apele o uwolnienie metropolity oraz działania podjęte w tym kierunku nie przyniosły rezultatu.
Łukasz Sianożęcki
Arcybiskup ofiarą terroru
Nasz Dziennik, 2008-03-14
Uprowadzony dwa tygodnie temu w Mosulu ks. abp Paulos Faradż Raho nie żyje
Katolicki arcybiskup Mosulu obrządku chaldejskiego w Iraku Paulos Faradż Raho, który został uprowadzony w piątek, 29 lutego, nie żyje. Jego ciało odnaleziono na obrzeżach miasta. Hierarchę porwali nieznani sprawcy, gdy wracał po odprawieniu nabożeństwa Drogi Krzyżowej. W jedynym zdaniu, które od czasu uprowadzenia zdołał przekazać swoim bliskim, zaapelował, by pod żadnym pozorem nie negocjować z przestępcami, gdyż - jak podkreślał - "woli umrzeć jako męczennik, niż ulec szantażowi". Włoska agencja ANSA podała, że na ciele księdza biskupa nie znaleziono śladów ani tortur, ani użycia broni palnej. Niewykluczone, iż powodem zgonu był zły stan zdrowia.
Ciało księdza arcybiskupa zostało odnalezione wczoraj rano. "Znaleźliśmy go martwego na przedmieściach Mosulu. Porywacze go pochowali" - powiedział biskup pomocniczy Bagdadu Szlajmun Warduni. Bandyci już wcześniej kontaktowali się z przedstawicielami kurii, by przekazać, że arcybiskup Raho czuje się bardzo źle. W kolejnych rozmowach telefonicznych podali informacje, iż duchowny nie żyje, następnie zaś wskazali miejsce jego pochówku. Martwego arcybiskupa znaleziono w miejscu, które wskazali porywacze. Do tej pory nie wiadomo jednak, czy hierarcha zmarł z powodu złego stanu zdrowia, czy został zamordowany.
O śmierci księdza arcybiskupa poinformowano natychmiast Ojca Świętego Benedykta XVI. Dyrektor Biura Prasowego Stolicy Apostolskiej ks. Federico Lombardi przekazał, że Papież ma nadzieję, iż to tragiczne wydarzenie przyczyni się do nasilenia zaangażowania wszystkich, a w szczególności wspólnoty międzynarodowej, na rzecz przywrócenia pokoju w tym tak udręczonym kraju, jakim jest Irak. Ksiądz Lombardi nawiązał także do trudnej sytuacji narodu irackiego, wciąż nękanego przez absurdalną i niczym nieusprawiedliwioną przemoc, która szczególnie dotyka społeczność chrześcijańską. Zapewnił, że Ojciec Święty nieustannie modli się za cierpiących w wyniku wojny i prześladowanych na całym świecie. Podkreślił także, iż do końca nie tracono nadziei na uwolnienie metropolity Mosulu, o co Papież wielokrotnie prosił w swoich apelach.
To właśnie Stolica Apostolska jako pierwsza, już w kilka godzin po porwaniu, potępiła ten haniebny czyn. Benedykt XVI nazywał uprowadzenie ks. abp. Raho "odrażającym aktem", a w czasie modlitwy na "Anioł Pański" wyraził niepokój o los porwanego. Podkreślił przy tym, że w wyniku ślepych i absurdalnych działań wojennych, na pewno sprzecznych z wolą Boga, nieustających cierpień doświadcza wielu niewinnych Irakijczyków.
Początkowo sądzono, że napaść na duchownego ma podtekst ideologiczny lub religijny. Zwłaszcza gdy negocjujący z porywaczami ks. bp Basile Georges Casmoussa poinformował, iż wysuwają oni żądania polityczne. Jednak żadna z irackich partii czy grup militarnych o podłożu religijnym nie przyznała się do tego uprowadzenia. Ponadto islamscy duchowni jednego z najbardziej liczących się ugrupowań szyickich Muktady al-Sadra również zdecydowanie potępili tego typu akty agresji. Wywiesili na ulicach Kirkuku transparenty z napisem: "Takie działania są złe dla Iraku". Także władze cywilne Iraku zapewniły o podjęciu wszelkich koniecznych działań w celu uwolnienia księdza arcybiskupa. Niezwłocznie rozkazano siłom bezpieczeństwa przeszukanie całego regionu Mosulu, w szczególności zaś dzielnicy Nour, w której doszło do uprowadzenia hierarchy.
Wszystko wskazuje na to, że porywacze działali jedynie z chęci zysku. Porzucili wszelkie żądania o charakterze politycznym, domagając się tylko wysokiego okupu. Żadne płynące z całego świata apele o uwolnienie metropolity oraz działania podjęte w tym kierunku nie przyniosły rezultatu.
Łukasz Sianożęcki
Wednesday, March 12, 2008
Wittgensteinian Foundations of Non‑Fregean Logic
Wittgensteinian Foundations of Non‑Fregean Logic
Boguslaw Wolniewicz
The term "Non‑Fregean Logic" has been introduced in 1968 by the well‑known Polish logician Professor Roman Suszko to mark the distinction between two kinds of logical systems. A logical system is called by him "Fregean", if for its propositional calculus the following formula holds as a theorem:
(F) P ≡ q → P = q
He calls this formula "the axiom of Frege”, and it is not difficult to see why. (According to Frege's theory of meaning all true propositions denote the same, and similarly—all false ones. Thus if two propositions are materially equivalent, their denotations have to be identical; and exactly this is stated by the formula F.) The foremost example of a Fregean logic is the classical prepositional calculus, but—as we shall see—the three‑valued logic of Łukasiewicz is Fregean too. On the other hand, a logical system is called "Non‑Fregean" if the formula F is rejected in it as a theorem.
Some logicians have objected to drawing any such distinction, on the ground that in the classical propositional calculus there is no identity sign for propositions, and that consequently nothing like the "axiom of Frege" can be a theorem of this particular logical system. This objection, however, has a flavor of spurious innocence, being apparently based on the dubious principle that what is not spoken about doesn't exist. To see this let's note in the first place that the axiom of Frege is deductively equivalent to the following schematic formula:
(F' ) P ≡ q → / Φ (p) ≡ Φ (q) /
Certainly, in the ordinary propositional calculus there is no such schema either. (Though it is present in one of its variants, namely in Leśniewski's protothetics.) But we have there all its particular instances, known as "the laws of extensionality":
p ≡ q → ~p ≡ ~q
p ≡ q → p ∧ r=q ∧ r
and so on.
By these laws whatever holds good of one of two materially equivalent propositions, holds also of the other one. Thus from the point of view of classical propositional logic equivalent propositions are indistinguishable, and being indistinguishable they are by Leibniz's principle identical. This is, however, only another way of stating the axiom of Frege, so what is the point of objecting to it?
The idea of a Non‑Fregean logic goes back to Wittgenstein's Tractatus, where it is introduced right from the start in the thesis:
"1.13 Facts in logical space are the world."
The Tractatus is in the first place a work on the philosophy of logic, and the key to that philosophy is the concept of "logical space". Part of that concept is the idea of a Non‑Fregean logic.
Before going on, something has to be said here concerning Wittgenstein's general philosophical position. In our Marxist literature it is a firmly established opinion that Wittgenstein was a logical positivist, and that consequently his philosophical outlook is that of subjective idealism. This opinion, however, doesn't bear scrutiny. In fact it has been rashly taken over from the logical positivists of the Vienna Circle, whose early enthusiasm for the Tractatus was only a sad monument of misunderstanding and a rare specimen of philosophical blindness. Wittgenstein's doctrine is idealistic, no doubt about that. But its idealism is not of the subjectivist variety characteristic of positivism. The doctrine of the Tractatus is a peculiar and powerful variant of objective idealism, and it has much more in common with the doctrines of Plato or Leibniz, than with those of Berkeley and Mach. This again is most readily seen while investigating the philosophical import of the concept of "logical space".
The Tractatus starts from the assumption that the logic of language—its logical syntax—has been already, and in the main correctly, described by the systems of Frege and Russell. But there still remains the big question of a correct interpretation of that description, and it may be put as follows: the logical structure of language being such as described by Frege and Russell, what must be the ontological structure of a reality capable of being described by such a language?
Wittgenstein's answer to this question is embedded in the whole system of the Tractatus, and it may be useful to represent its framework schematically in a simple diagram (due to Suszko):
It is fairly easy to discern in the text of the book particular theses forming the three main parts of its system; e.g. thesis 4.22. "An elementary proposition consists of names" surely belongs to part (1), 3.203: "The name denotes an object", — to part (2), and 2.02: "The object is simple" — to part (3). Thesis 1.13 is obviously an ontological one too, as are, by the way, all the theses numbered “1 ‑ 2.0. . .”.
Now according to Wittgenstein's syntax, language is the totality of propositions, and according to his semantics the correspondence between language and reality has to be of the one‑to‑one type. What then, according to his ontology, is meant here by reality, the one‑to‑one counterpart of the totality of propositions? Reality cannot be identical with the world, for the world is the totality of facts, and to the totality of facts there corresponds in language only the totality of true propositions (= science, 4.11). Since language contains also false propositions, and these do not have counterparts in the totality of facts, it proves to be larger than the world; and the same holds good of reality too. If the overall semantical correspondence is to be preserved, something in reality must answer even to a false proposition. (And it has to be preserved, for if nothing in reality answered to false propositions they would have no relation to it; and being thus out of touch with reality they could not be false, but only meaningless.)
According to the Tractatus the ontological counterpart of a true proposition is a fact; and the ontological counterpart of a false proposition is the possibility of a fact, something that might be the case. (On the other hand, any fact is the actualization of some possibility.) And reality is the totality of all possibilities called by Wittgenstein "logical space". Thus we have the following identities:
Language = the totality of propositions,
Science = the totality of true propositions,
The world = the totality of facts,
Logical space = the totality of possibilities;
and to make their relations even more precise we may present them in the form of a diagram:
The meaning of Wittgenstein's pronouncement in 1.13 is sufficiently clear now: the world is, so to speak, an island of facts in the ocean of possibilities. But this simile is only a useful first approximation to Wittgenstein's idea of logical space. And we proceed now to the second one.
Logical space is the ontological counterpart of language taken as a whole, but what are the counterparts to its particular propositions? According to Wittgenstein to every proposition there corresponds a definite area of logical space, or—as he calls it—a logical place. Thus the logical place of a given proposition "p" may be visualized like this:
It is already apparent that Wittgenstein's idea aims at the construction of a geometrical representation for the logic of propositions, and that his "logical space" is an abstract space like the "phase‑space" of physics or the "sample‑space" of the theory of probability. And this leads immediately to the next and most essential question: what are to be the points of this abstract logical space?
The right answer: to this question has been already given by Stenius (Wittgenstein's 'Tractatus', 1960): every point in logical space is the representation of a possible world! (Stenius' answer is not the only one that has been suggested, but none of the others will do as an interpretation of Wittgenstein's position.) Let's call these worlds "logical points". We have thus:
Logical space = the totality of logical points,
The logical the set of logical points which
place of “p" = would make the proposition "p" true.
One point in logical space is designated: it represents the actual world. (Since each possible world is incompatible with every other the designated point is unique.) Of course, we do not know its exact position; but if we know a proposition "p" to be true, we know the designated point to lie in that area of logical space which is the logical place of "p". Thus we have:
"p" is true = the designated point is contained in the logical place of "p".
According to Frege the denotation of a proposition is its truth‑value; according to Wittgenstein the denotation of a proposition is its logical place (= a set of possible worlds). And 'this makes clear, why formula (F) has to be rejected.
A material equivalence "p ≡ q" means that the propositions “p” and “q” have the same truth-value. Upon our interpretation this corresponds to the following situation in logical space:
A statement of material equivalence "p ≡ q" is true if, and only if. the designated point lies as a matter fact [sic] somewhere in the shaded area of logical space. And this may be the case, or it may not be. On the other hand, an identity statement "p = q” means that the logical places of "p" and "q" coincide; and this cannot be the case here by any means.
But how can formula (F) be a theorem of "Fregean" logic, if it is not valid? To solve this puzzle let us assume for the sake of intuitiveness that there are only three possible worlds, marked by the numbers (1), (2), (3) respectively. Under this assumption the relation between language and reality may be presented in the form of a matrix, with columns of the digits "1" and "0" representing the logical places of the corresponding propositions:
Language
p1 p2 p3 p4 p5 p6 p7 p8
(1) 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0
Logical space (2) 1 1 0 0 1 1 0 0
(3) 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0
In the logical space consisting of only 3 points there are only 8 logical places; and consequently there are in the corresponding language only 8 extensionally distinguishable propositions (i.e. propositions with different denotations).
However, our assumption was quite arbitrary, for there are as yet no obvious reasons against taking any other number—finite or infinite—to be the number of logical points. So let us assume now, that this number is one: There is only one possible world, namely the actual one. Under this assumption we get the following matrix of the relation between language and reality:
Language
p1 p2
Logical space { (1) 1 0
In this matrix there are only two logical places. And since these two logical places (columns) are correlated in a one‑to‑one manner with the two truth‑values (digits), there is neither the need nor the possibility of distinguishing the logical place of a proposition from its truth‑value, or the designated truth‑value from the designated logical point.
But this is exactly the import of the axiom of Frege. According to Frege true propositions are indistinguishable extensionally, for they all denote (bedeuten) one and the same, namely the real world or Being (das Wahre); and similarly with false propositions: they all denote Non‑Being (das Falsche). Therefore Being and Non‑Being are the two logical places of Frege's logic.
The number of logical places (m) depends obviously upon the number of truth‑values (v), and upon the number of logical points (n); and they are interrelated in a most simple way:
(I) m=vⁿ
If our logic is, as usual, a two‑valued one (v = 2), clearly the number of logical places will be: m = 2ⁿ. But to Fregean logic it is not essential to assume that there are only two truth‑values. What is essential to it, is to have the equality:
(II) m = v
which in view of (I) is equivalent to assuming that the number of logical points is one! i.e.:
(F'') n = 1
Formula (F) holds good if, and only if, condition (F'') is satisfied. In other words: the axiom of Frege is equivalent to the assumption that logical space consists of a single point. Obviously this single point is at the same time the designated one.
Frege's logic is a logic of two truth‑values and two logical places, and so it is Fregean. But the three‑valued logic of Łukasiewiez is Fregean too, for its matrix has the form:
Language
p1 p2 p3
logical space { (1) 1 ½ 0
with "½" marking the logical indeterminateness. (According to Łukasiewiez's philosophy this realm of indeterminateness was to be the Future, regarded as something intermediate between Being and Non‑Being; i.e. in our terminology as a third logical place.) But Wittgenstein’s logic is Non‑Fregean, for there are in it two truth values and many logical places, the number of logical points—and consequently also the number of logical places—being kept variable.
In this framework Frege's logic is just a special case of Non‑Fregean logic, but it is also a very peculiar one. This peculiarity consists in its extreme simplicity: to construct a still simpler logic seems out of question [sic]. Formal simplicity is thus the great and indisputable merit of Frege's system of logic, but it is not come free of charge [sic]. It has been based on the assumption that the real coincides with the possible, and both of them with the necessary, that modal distinctions are not concerned with reality, but only with our thoughts.
This assumption may be disputed, but that is not our point. What is to be insisted on here, is only the fact that in Fregean logic there is such an assumption present.
UNIVERSITY OF WARSAW
POLAND
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
SOURCE: Wolniewicz, Boguslaw. "Wittgensteinian Foundations of Non-Fregean Logic," in Contemporary East European Philosophy, Vol. 3, edited by Edward D'Angelo, David DeGrood, and Dale Riepe (Bridgeport, CT: Spartacus Books, 1971), pp. 231-243.
Boguslaw Wolniewicz
The term "Non‑Fregean Logic" has been introduced in 1968 by the well‑known Polish logician Professor Roman Suszko to mark the distinction between two kinds of logical systems. A logical system is called by him "Fregean", if for its propositional calculus the following formula holds as a theorem:
(F) P ≡ q → P = q
He calls this formula "the axiom of Frege”, and it is not difficult to see why. (According to Frege's theory of meaning all true propositions denote the same, and similarly—all false ones. Thus if two propositions are materially equivalent, their denotations have to be identical; and exactly this is stated by the formula F.) The foremost example of a Fregean logic is the classical prepositional calculus, but—as we shall see—the three‑valued logic of Łukasiewicz is Fregean too. On the other hand, a logical system is called "Non‑Fregean" if the formula F is rejected in it as a theorem.
Some logicians have objected to drawing any such distinction, on the ground that in the classical propositional calculus there is no identity sign for propositions, and that consequently nothing like the "axiom of Frege" can be a theorem of this particular logical system. This objection, however, has a flavor of spurious innocence, being apparently based on the dubious principle that what is not spoken about doesn't exist. To see this let's note in the first place that the axiom of Frege is deductively equivalent to the following schematic formula:
(F' ) P ≡ q → / Φ (p) ≡ Φ (q) /
Certainly, in the ordinary propositional calculus there is no such schema either. (Though it is present in one of its variants, namely in Leśniewski's protothetics.) But we have there all its particular instances, known as "the laws of extensionality":
p ≡ q → ~p ≡ ~q
p ≡ q → p ∧ r=q ∧ r
and so on.
By these laws whatever holds good of one of two materially equivalent propositions, holds also of the other one. Thus from the point of view of classical propositional logic equivalent propositions are indistinguishable, and being indistinguishable they are by Leibniz's principle identical. This is, however, only another way of stating the axiom of Frege, so what is the point of objecting to it?
The idea of a Non‑Fregean logic goes back to Wittgenstein's Tractatus, where it is introduced right from the start in the thesis:
"1.13 Facts in logical space are the world."
The Tractatus is in the first place a work on the philosophy of logic, and the key to that philosophy is the concept of "logical space". Part of that concept is the idea of a Non‑Fregean logic.
Before going on, something has to be said here concerning Wittgenstein's general philosophical position. In our Marxist literature it is a firmly established opinion that Wittgenstein was a logical positivist, and that consequently his philosophical outlook is that of subjective idealism. This opinion, however, doesn't bear scrutiny. In fact it has been rashly taken over from the logical positivists of the Vienna Circle, whose early enthusiasm for the Tractatus was only a sad monument of misunderstanding and a rare specimen of philosophical blindness. Wittgenstein's doctrine is idealistic, no doubt about that. But its idealism is not of the subjectivist variety characteristic of positivism. The doctrine of the Tractatus is a peculiar and powerful variant of objective idealism, and it has much more in common with the doctrines of Plato or Leibniz, than with those of Berkeley and Mach. This again is most readily seen while investigating the philosophical import of the concept of "logical space".
The Tractatus starts from the assumption that the logic of language—its logical syntax—has been already, and in the main correctly, described by the systems of Frege and Russell. But there still remains the big question of a correct interpretation of that description, and it may be put as follows: the logical structure of language being such as described by Frege and Russell, what must be the ontological structure of a reality capable of being described by such a language?
Wittgenstein's answer to this question is embedded in the whole system of the Tractatus, and it may be useful to represent its framework schematically in a simple diagram (due to Suszko):
It is fairly easy to discern in the text of the book particular theses forming the three main parts of its system; e.g. thesis 4.22. "An elementary proposition consists of names" surely belongs to part (1), 3.203: "The name denotes an object", — to part (2), and 2.02: "The object is simple" — to part (3). Thesis 1.13 is obviously an ontological one too, as are, by the way, all the theses numbered “1 ‑ 2.0. . .”.
Now according to Wittgenstein's syntax, language is the totality of propositions, and according to his semantics the correspondence between language and reality has to be of the one‑to‑one type. What then, according to his ontology, is meant here by reality, the one‑to‑one counterpart of the totality of propositions? Reality cannot be identical with the world, for the world is the totality of facts, and to the totality of facts there corresponds in language only the totality of true propositions (= science, 4.11). Since language contains also false propositions, and these do not have counterparts in the totality of facts, it proves to be larger than the world; and the same holds good of reality too. If the overall semantical correspondence is to be preserved, something in reality must answer even to a false proposition. (And it has to be preserved, for if nothing in reality answered to false propositions they would have no relation to it; and being thus out of touch with reality they could not be false, but only meaningless.)
According to the Tractatus the ontological counterpart of a true proposition is a fact; and the ontological counterpart of a false proposition is the possibility of a fact, something that might be the case. (On the other hand, any fact is the actualization of some possibility.) And reality is the totality of all possibilities called by Wittgenstein "logical space". Thus we have the following identities:
Language = the totality of propositions,
Science = the totality of true propositions,
The world = the totality of facts,
Logical space = the totality of possibilities;
and to make their relations even more precise we may present them in the form of a diagram:
The meaning of Wittgenstein's pronouncement in 1.13 is sufficiently clear now: the world is, so to speak, an island of facts in the ocean of possibilities. But this simile is only a useful first approximation to Wittgenstein's idea of logical space. And we proceed now to the second one.
Logical space is the ontological counterpart of language taken as a whole, but what are the counterparts to its particular propositions? According to Wittgenstein to every proposition there corresponds a definite area of logical space, or—as he calls it—a logical place. Thus the logical place of a given proposition "p" may be visualized like this:
It is already apparent that Wittgenstein's idea aims at the construction of a geometrical representation for the logic of propositions, and that his "logical space" is an abstract space like the "phase‑space" of physics or the "sample‑space" of the theory of probability. And this leads immediately to the next and most essential question: what are to be the points of this abstract logical space?
The right answer: to this question has been already given by Stenius (Wittgenstein's 'Tractatus', 1960): every point in logical space is the representation of a possible world! (Stenius' answer is not the only one that has been suggested, but none of the others will do as an interpretation of Wittgenstein's position.) Let's call these worlds "logical points". We have thus:
Logical space = the totality of logical points,
The logical the set of logical points which
place of “p" = would make the proposition "p" true.
One point in logical space is designated: it represents the actual world. (Since each possible world is incompatible with every other the designated point is unique.) Of course, we do not know its exact position; but if we know a proposition "p" to be true, we know the designated point to lie in that area of logical space which is the logical place of "p". Thus we have:
"p" is true = the designated point is contained in the logical place of "p".
According to Frege the denotation of a proposition is its truth‑value; according to Wittgenstein the denotation of a proposition is its logical place (= a set of possible worlds). And 'this makes clear, why formula (F) has to be rejected.
A material equivalence "p ≡ q" means that the propositions “p” and “q” have the same truth-value. Upon our interpretation this corresponds to the following situation in logical space:
A statement of material equivalence "p ≡ q" is true if, and only if. the designated point lies as a matter fact [sic] somewhere in the shaded area of logical space. And this may be the case, or it may not be. On the other hand, an identity statement "p = q” means that the logical places of "p" and "q" coincide; and this cannot be the case here by any means.
But how can formula (F) be a theorem of "Fregean" logic, if it is not valid? To solve this puzzle let us assume for the sake of intuitiveness that there are only three possible worlds, marked by the numbers (1), (2), (3) respectively. Under this assumption the relation between language and reality may be presented in the form of a matrix, with columns of the digits "1" and "0" representing the logical places of the corresponding propositions:
Language
p1 p2 p3 p4 p5 p6 p7 p8
(1) 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0
Logical space (2) 1 1 0 0 1 1 0 0
(3) 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0
In the logical space consisting of only 3 points there are only 8 logical places; and consequently there are in the corresponding language only 8 extensionally distinguishable propositions (i.e. propositions with different denotations).
However, our assumption was quite arbitrary, for there are as yet no obvious reasons against taking any other number—finite or infinite—to be the number of logical points. So let us assume now, that this number is one: There is only one possible world, namely the actual one. Under this assumption we get the following matrix of the relation between language and reality:
Language
p1 p2
Logical space { (1) 1 0
In this matrix there are only two logical places. And since these two logical places (columns) are correlated in a one‑to‑one manner with the two truth‑values (digits), there is neither the need nor the possibility of distinguishing the logical place of a proposition from its truth‑value, or the designated truth‑value from the designated logical point.
But this is exactly the import of the axiom of Frege. According to Frege true propositions are indistinguishable extensionally, for they all denote (bedeuten) one and the same, namely the real world or Being (das Wahre); and similarly with false propositions: they all denote Non‑Being (das Falsche). Therefore Being and Non‑Being are the two logical places of Frege's logic.
The number of logical places (m) depends obviously upon the number of truth‑values (v), and upon the number of logical points (n); and they are interrelated in a most simple way:
(I) m=vⁿ
If our logic is, as usual, a two‑valued one (v = 2), clearly the number of logical places will be: m = 2ⁿ. But to Fregean logic it is not essential to assume that there are only two truth‑values. What is essential to it, is to have the equality:
(II) m = v
which in view of (I) is equivalent to assuming that the number of logical points is one! i.e.:
(F'') n = 1
Formula (F) holds good if, and only if, condition (F'') is satisfied. In other words: the axiom of Frege is equivalent to the assumption that logical space consists of a single point. Obviously this single point is at the same time the designated one.
Frege's logic is a logic of two truth‑values and two logical places, and so it is Fregean. But the three‑valued logic of Łukasiewiez is Fregean too, for its matrix has the form:
Language
p1 p2 p3
logical space { (1) 1 ½ 0
with "½" marking the logical indeterminateness. (According to Łukasiewiez's philosophy this realm of indeterminateness was to be the Future, regarded as something intermediate between Being and Non‑Being; i.e. in our terminology as a third logical place.) But Wittgenstein’s logic is Non‑Fregean, for there are in it two truth values and many logical places, the number of logical points—and consequently also the number of logical places—being kept variable.
In this framework Frege's logic is just a special case of Non‑Fregean logic, but it is also a very peculiar one. This peculiarity consists in its extreme simplicity: to construct a still simpler logic seems out of question [sic]. Formal simplicity is thus the great and indisputable merit of Frege's system of logic, but it is not come free of charge [sic]. It has been based on the assumption that the real coincides with the possible, and both of them with the necessary, that modal distinctions are not concerned with reality, but only with our thoughts.
This assumption may be disputed, but that is not our point. What is to be insisted on here, is only the fact that in Fregean logic there is such an assumption present.
UNIVERSITY OF WARSAW
POLAND
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
SOURCE: Wolniewicz, Boguslaw. "Wittgensteinian Foundations of Non-Fregean Logic," in Contemporary East European Philosophy, Vol. 3, edited by Edward D'Angelo, David DeGrood, and Dale Riepe (Bridgeport, CT: Spartacus Books, 1971), pp. 231-243.
Prof.Boguslaw Wolniewicz o antypolskiej postawie mediow
Prof.Boguslaw Wolniewicz o antypolskiej postawie mediow
Tuesday, March 11, 2008
An admiral takes on the White House
An admiral takes on the White House
By Gareth Porter
WASHINGTON - A new article on CENTCOM commander Admiral William Fallon confirms that his public statements last autumn ruling out war against Iran were not coordinated with the White House and landed him in trouble more than once with President George W Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney.
In an admiring article on Fallon in Esquire, former Pentagon official Thomas P M Barnett writes that Fallon angered the White House by "brazenly challenging" Bush on his aggressive threat of war against Tehran. Barnett also cites "well-placed observers" as saying Bush may soon replace Fallon with a "more pliable" commander.
Barnett's account, which quotes conversations with Fallon during the CENTCOM commander's trips to the Middle East, shows that Fallon privately justified his statements contradicting the Bush
policy of keeping the "option" of an unprovoked attack on Iran "on the table" as necessary to calm the fears of Egypt and other friendly Arab regimes of a US-Iran war.
Barnett recalls that when Fallon was in Cairo in November, the lead story in that day's edition of the English-language daily Egyptian Gazette carried the headline "US rules out strike against Iran" over a picture of Fallon meeting with President Hosni Mubarak.
That story, published on November 19 and not picked up by any US news media, reported that Fallon had "ruled out a possible strike against Iran and said Washington was mulling non-military options instead".
Later that day, according to Barnett, Fallon told him during a coffee break in a military meeting, "I'm in hot water again," and then confirmed that his problems were directly with the White House.
That was the second time in less than a week and the third time in seven weeks that Fallon had publicly declared that there would be no war against Iran. In an interview with al-Jazeera television in September, which Fallon himself had requested, according to a source at al-Jazeera, he had said, "This constant drum beat of conflict is what strikes me as not helpful and not useful."
And only a week before the trip to Egypt, in an interview with the Financial Times of London, Fallon had said a military strike was not "in the offing", adding, "Another war is just not where we want to go."
These statements represented an extraordinary exercise of power by a combat commander, because it contradicted a central feature of the Bush-Cheney strategy on Iran. High-ranking Bush administration officials had been routinely repeating the administration's line that no option had been taken "off the table" since early 2005.
At an October 17 news conference, Bush said he had "told people that if you're interested in avoiding World War III, it seems like you ought to be interested in preventing them from having the knowledge necessary to make a nuclear weapon".
Fallon's public statements explicitly ruling out an attack on Iran thus undermined the Bush administration's threat against Iran.
The willingness of the top commander in the Middle East to take the military option "off the table" was in part a reflection of the determination of uniformed military leaders to prevent what they regarded as a disastrous course.
The new chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Admiral Mike Mullen, who replaced General Peter Pace in June, was even more candid about his opposition to the use of force against Iran than Pace had been, according to a Congressional staffer who had participated in private meetings with both. Pace declared publicly in late October, "We have to be mindful of the risks that would [be spawned] by engaging in a third conflict" in the region.
Mullen added, however, that military options "cannot be taken off the table".
But Fallon, as the commander responsible for the entire Middle East, was concerned about more than the consequences of actually exercising the military option. He was prompted to enunciate a "no-war" line on Iran by the panicky reactions of Arab states to what they thought were indications of the warlike intentions of the Bush administration.
In the latter half of 2007, friendly Arab regimes were upset by the possibility of a US-Iran war, which they feared would destabilize the entire region. Fallon is quoted as telling Barnett, "[I]t's all anyone wants to talk about right now. People here hear what I'm saying and understand. I don't want to get them too spun up."
Fallon told Barnett that his ruling out of military action against Iran was necessary to calm the very regimes the Bush administration was hoping to enlist to support its anti-Iran line. "Washington interprets this as all aimed at them," Fallon said in Cairo, according to Barnett. "Instead, it's aimed at governments and media in this region. I'm not talking about the White House."
Fallon was arguing, in effect, that it makes no sense to make the possibility of an unprovoked attack part of your declaratory policy if it merely induces confusion and panic among friendly governments without influencing the target of the threat.
Barnett quotes Fallon as complaining that "they" - meaning White House officials were asking him, "Why are you even meeting with Mubarak?" But Fallon strongly defended the diplomatic role he was playing in relations with Mubarak and other Middle Eastern leaders. "This is my center of gravity," Fallon told him. "This is my job."
Fallon's sensitivity to the political-diplomatic consequences of a declaratory policy that explicitly keeps open the threat of an aggressive war as a potential option set him apart not only from the White House but from the consensus among national security specialists in both parties. In early 2007, all three of the top three Democratic contenders for the presidential nomination publicly declared their support for keeping "all options on the table".
Fallon is not the first CENTCOM commander to rein in aggressive White House policy toward the Middle East. In late 1997, according to Dana Priest's book, The Mission, the Bill Clinton White House wanted CENTCOM commander General Anthony Zinni to order his pilots to provoke a military confrontation with Iraq in the no-fly zone by deliberately drawing fire from Iraqi planes.
The request for such a provocation was conveyed to Zinni by the vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Joseph Ralston. But Zinni, who believed that it could lead to an unwanted war with Iraq, insisted that a formal request from the White House would have to be sent, and the plan was dropped.
The unhappiness of the Bush administration with Fallon's role as well as the unflattering picture of administration policy revealed by the article was evident last Thursday from the failure of either the White House or the Pentagon to issue the usual reassuring statements in response to the article.
The White House declined to comment, although, according to the Washington Post's Thomas Ricks, the article "was being discussed there". Pentagon spokesman Geoff Morrell said Secretary of Defense Robert Gates "has read the profile on Admiral Fallon but chooses not to comment on it or other press accounts".
Gareth Porter is an historian and national security policy analyst. The paperback edition of his latest book, Perils of Dominance: Imbalance of Power and the Road to War in Vietnam, was published in 2006.
(Inter Press Service)
By Gareth Porter
WASHINGTON - A new article on CENTCOM commander Admiral William Fallon confirms that his public statements last autumn ruling out war against Iran were not coordinated with the White House and landed him in trouble more than once with President George W Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney.
In an admiring article on Fallon in Esquire, former Pentagon official Thomas P M Barnett writes that Fallon angered the White House by "brazenly challenging" Bush on his aggressive threat of war against Tehran. Barnett also cites "well-placed observers" as saying Bush may soon replace Fallon with a "more pliable" commander.
Barnett's account, which quotes conversations with Fallon during the CENTCOM commander's trips to the Middle East, shows that Fallon privately justified his statements contradicting the Bush
policy of keeping the "option" of an unprovoked attack on Iran "on the table" as necessary to calm the fears of Egypt and other friendly Arab regimes of a US-Iran war.
Barnett recalls that when Fallon was in Cairo in November, the lead story in that day's edition of the English-language daily Egyptian Gazette carried the headline "US rules out strike against Iran" over a picture of Fallon meeting with President Hosni Mubarak.
That story, published on November 19 and not picked up by any US news media, reported that Fallon had "ruled out a possible strike against Iran and said Washington was mulling non-military options instead".
Later that day, according to Barnett, Fallon told him during a coffee break in a military meeting, "I'm in hot water again," and then confirmed that his problems were directly with the White House.
That was the second time in less than a week and the third time in seven weeks that Fallon had publicly declared that there would be no war against Iran. In an interview with al-Jazeera television in September, which Fallon himself had requested, according to a source at al-Jazeera, he had said, "This constant drum beat of conflict is what strikes me as not helpful and not useful."
And only a week before the trip to Egypt, in an interview with the Financial Times of London, Fallon had said a military strike was not "in the offing", adding, "Another war is just not where we want to go."
These statements represented an extraordinary exercise of power by a combat commander, because it contradicted a central feature of the Bush-Cheney strategy on Iran. High-ranking Bush administration officials had been routinely repeating the administration's line that no option had been taken "off the table" since early 2005.
At an October 17 news conference, Bush said he had "told people that if you're interested in avoiding World War III, it seems like you ought to be interested in preventing them from having the knowledge necessary to make a nuclear weapon".
Fallon's public statements explicitly ruling out an attack on Iran thus undermined the Bush administration's threat against Iran.
The willingness of the top commander in the Middle East to take the military option "off the table" was in part a reflection of the determination of uniformed military leaders to prevent what they regarded as a disastrous course.
The new chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Admiral Mike Mullen, who replaced General Peter Pace in June, was even more candid about his opposition to the use of force against Iran than Pace had been, according to a Congressional staffer who had participated in private meetings with both. Pace declared publicly in late October, "We have to be mindful of the risks that would [be spawned] by engaging in a third conflict" in the region.
Mullen added, however, that military options "cannot be taken off the table".
But Fallon, as the commander responsible for the entire Middle East, was concerned about more than the consequences of actually exercising the military option. He was prompted to enunciate a "no-war" line on Iran by the panicky reactions of Arab states to what they thought were indications of the warlike intentions of the Bush administration.
In the latter half of 2007, friendly Arab regimes were upset by the possibility of a US-Iran war, which they feared would destabilize the entire region. Fallon is quoted as telling Barnett, "[I]t's all anyone wants to talk about right now. People here hear what I'm saying and understand. I don't want to get them too spun up."
Fallon told Barnett that his ruling out of military action against Iran was necessary to calm the very regimes the Bush administration was hoping to enlist to support its anti-Iran line. "Washington interprets this as all aimed at them," Fallon said in Cairo, according to Barnett. "Instead, it's aimed at governments and media in this region. I'm not talking about the White House."
Fallon was arguing, in effect, that it makes no sense to make the possibility of an unprovoked attack part of your declaratory policy if it merely induces confusion and panic among friendly governments without influencing the target of the threat.
Barnett quotes Fallon as complaining that "they" - meaning White House officials were asking him, "Why are you even meeting with Mubarak?" But Fallon strongly defended the diplomatic role he was playing in relations with Mubarak and other Middle Eastern leaders. "This is my center of gravity," Fallon told him. "This is my job."
Fallon's sensitivity to the political-diplomatic consequences of a declaratory policy that explicitly keeps open the threat of an aggressive war as a potential option set him apart not only from the White House but from the consensus among national security specialists in both parties. In early 2007, all three of the top three Democratic contenders for the presidential nomination publicly declared their support for keeping "all options on the table".
Fallon is not the first CENTCOM commander to rein in aggressive White House policy toward the Middle East. In late 1997, according to Dana Priest's book, The Mission, the Bill Clinton White House wanted CENTCOM commander General Anthony Zinni to order his pilots to provoke a military confrontation with Iraq in the no-fly zone by deliberately drawing fire from Iraqi planes.
The request for such a provocation was conveyed to Zinni by the vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Joseph Ralston. But Zinni, who believed that it could lead to an unwanted war with Iraq, insisted that a formal request from the White House would have to be sent, and the plan was dropped.
The unhappiness of the Bush administration with Fallon's role as well as the unflattering picture of administration policy revealed by the article was evident last Thursday from the failure of either the White House or the Pentagon to issue the usual reassuring statements in response to the article.
The White House declined to comment, although, according to the Washington Post's Thomas Ricks, the article "was being discussed there". Pentagon spokesman Geoff Morrell said Secretary of Defense Robert Gates "has read the profile on Admiral Fallon but chooses not to comment on it or other press accounts".
Gareth Porter is an historian and national security policy analyst. The paperback edition of his latest book, Perils of Dominance: Imbalance of Power and the Road to War in Vietnam, was published in 2006.
(Inter Press Service)
Monday, March 10, 2008
Piotr Rubik - The Right to Love
Piotr Rubik - The Right to Love
all my best to my polish brothers and sisters.
Lech Alex Bajan
Washington DC US
RAQport.com
all my best to my polish brothers and sisters.
Lech Alex Bajan
Washington DC US
RAQport.com
Wednesday, March 5, 2008
Saturday, March 1, 2008
TEHRAN – Poland has offered Iranian Offshore Oil Company (IOOC) a technical and financial bid to produce 2.7 million tons of LNG
TEHRAN – Poland has offered Iranian Offshore Oil Company (IOOC) a technical and financial bid to produce 2.7 million tons of LNG
Lipinski of Virginia, USA. Mr. Lipinski was born in Brze��, Poland, deported to Russia in 1941, went to school in Iran and then joined the Polish Army. He was in Italy from 1943-46, 1946-51 in England and then emigrated to the USA in 1951.
Polish Oil and Gas Company signed in Teheran a letter of intent with Iranian Offshore Oil Company concerning cooperation in the development of Iranian gas and condensate field discoveries.
This is one of the outcomes of the visit to Iran (4-7 February) of a PGNiG delegation led by Krzysztof Głogowski, President of the Board, Stanisław Niedbalec, Vice‑President for Technology and Investments and Tadeusz Zwierzyński, Vice‑President for Strategic Projects.
"Iran is the second largest country in the world in terms of oil and gas reserves, and our joint projects with Iranian companies not only can contribute to improved profitability of PGNiG but also fit excellently into the business development efforts of the PGNiG Group in external markets" said Krzysztof Głogowski, President of the Management Board of PGNiG.
During their visit to Iran, the representatives of PGNiG had a series of discussions with the managements of leading oil companies associated in NIOC (National Iranian Oil Company). They were focused primarily on the potential involvement of PGNiG in the cooperation in such areas as development of field discoveries and joint implementation of investment projects including, inter alia, construction of underground gas storage facilities.
The discussions were held with the participation of Iranian government officials representing the Ministry of Petroleum, notably H. Noghrehkar Shirazi Deputy Minister for international affairs and S.R. Kassaei Zadeh, Deputy Minister for gas production and Managing Director of National Iranian Gas Company. The Iranian party appraised very highly the preparedness of PGNiG in terms of expertise and technology, and expressed its interest in pursuing joint ventures.
Through the cooperation with Iranian oil companies PGNiG hopes to join the group of major oil companies, such as OMV (Austria), REPSOL (Spain), ENI (Italy) and Lukoil (Russia) which are successfully developing their business activities in Iran.
Joanna Zakrzewska
Spokesperson for PGNiG SA
To między innymi jeden z efektów wizyty ( 4-7 lutego br.) w Iranie delegacji PGNiG S.A. z udziałem prezesa Zarządu PGNiG S.A. Krzysztofa Głogowskiego oraz Stanisława Niedbalca, wiceprezesa ds. Techniczno-Inwestycyjnych i Tadeusza Zwierzyńskiego, wiceprezesa ds. Projektów Strategicznych.
- Iran to drugi co do wielkości kraj na świecie pod względem zasobów ropy i gazu ziemnego, a wspólne przedsięwzięcia z irańskimi firmami mogą nie tylko znacznie wpłynąć na podniesienie rentowności PGNiG SA, ale również znakomicie wkomponowują się w nasze działania w zakresie rozwoju aktywności GK PGNiG na rynkach zagranicznych - podkreśla Krzysztof Głogowski, prezes Zarządu PGNiG S.A.
W czasie pobytu w Iranie przedstawiciele PGNiG S.A. przeprowadzili szereg rozmów z zarządami czołowych firm naftowych zrzeszonych w NIOC (National Iranian Oil Company). Dotyczyły one przede wszystkim możliwości udziału PGNiG S.A. w zakresie wzajemnej współpracy w takich dziedzinach jak: zagospodarowanie odkrytych złóż oraz współpracy przy realizacji inwestycji związanych m.in. budową podziemnych magazynów gazu.
Co istotne, w rozmowach uczestniczyli również przedstawiciele rządu irańskiego, reprezentujący Ministerstwo Ropy i Gazu: H. Noghrehkar Shirazi, wiceminister ds. zagranicznych oraz S.R. Kassaei Zadeh, wiceminister ds. produkcji gazu i dyrektor zarządzający National Iranian Gas Company. Strona irańska oceniła bardzo wysoko przygotowanie merytoryczne i technologiczne PGNiG SA i wyraziła zainteresowanie wspólnymi przedsięwzięciami.
Dzięki podjęciu współpracy z irańskimi firmami naftowymi PGNiG S.A. ma nadzieję dołączyć do grona znaczących firm naftowych takich jak m.in. austriacki OMV, hiszpański REPSOL, włoska ENI i rosyjski Łukoil, które z powodzeniem rozwijają działalność biznesową na terenie Iranu.
Joanna Zakrzewska
Rzecznik PGNiG S.A.
Poland makes bid to produce 2.7m tons of LNG from Lavan gas
Tehran Times Economic Desk
TEHRAN – Poland has offered Iranian Offshore Oil Company (IOOC) a technical and financial bid to produce 2.7 million tons of LNG from natural gas of the Lavan field annually, the IOOC managing director said here on Friday.
Mahmud Zirakchianzadeh, quoted by Moj News Agency, added Lavan gas field holds 8-12 trillion cu. f. of natural gas reserves and is planned to have an initial production of 360 million cu. f. per day.
Polish Oil & Gas Company
KRS 0000059492, NIP 525-000-80-28, share capital 5 900 000 000 PLN - fully paid
Headquarters - 25 Kasprzaka Street, 01-224 Warsaw, Poland
Phone: +48 22 589 45 55, +48 22 691 79 00, Fax: +48 22 691 82 73
Lipinski of Virginia, USA. Mr. Lipinski was born in Brze��, Poland, deported to Russia in 1941, went to school in Iran and then joined the Polish Army. He was in Italy from 1943-46, 1946-51 in England and then emigrated to the USA in 1951.
Polish Oil and Gas Company signed in Teheran a letter of intent with Iranian Offshore Oil Company concerning cooperation in the development of Iranian gas and condensate field discoveries.
This is one of the outcomes of the visit to Iran (4-7 February) of a PGNiG delegation led by Krzysztof Głogowski, President of the Board, Stanisław Niedbalec, Vice‑President for Technology and Investments and Tadeusz Zwierzyński, Vice‑President for Strategic Projects.
"Iran is the second largest country in the world in terms of oil and gas reserves, and our joint projects with Iranian companies not only can contribute to improved profitability of PGNiG but also fit excellently into the business development efforts of the PGNiG Group in external markets" said Krzysztof Głogowski, President of the Management Board of PGNiG.
During their visit to Iran, the representatives of PGNiG had a series of discussions with the managements of leading oil companies associated in NIOC (National Iranian Oil Company). They were focused primarily on the potential involvement of PGNiG in the cooperation in such areas as development of field discoveries and joint implementation of investment projects including, inter alia, construction of underground gas storage facilities.
The discussions were held with the participation of Iranian government officials representing the Ministry of Petroleum, notably H. Noghrehkar Shirazi Deputy Minister for international affairs and S.R. Kassaei Zadeh, Deputy Minister for gas production and Managing Director of National Iranian Gas Company. The Iranian party appraised very highly the preparedness of PGNiG in terms of expertise and technology, and expressed its interest in pursuing joint ventures.
Through the cooperation with Iranian oil companies PGNiG hopes to join the group of major oil companies, such as OMV (Austria), REPSOL (Spain), ENI (Italy) and Lukoil (Russia) which are successfully developing their business activities in Iran.
Joanna Zakrzewska
Spokesperson for PGNiG SA
To między innymi jeden z efektów wizyty ( 4-7 lutego br.) w Iranie delegacji PGNiG S.A. z udziałem prezesa Zarządu PGNiG S.A. Krzysztofa Głogowskiego oraz Stanisława Niedbalca, wiceprezesa ds. Techniczno-Inwestycyjnych i Tadeusza Zwierzyńskiego, wiceprezesa ds. Projektów Strategicznych.
- Iran to drugi co do wielkości kraj na świecie pod względem zasobów ropy i gazu ziemnego, a wspólne przedsięwzięcia z irańskimi firmami mogą nie tylko znacznie wpłynąć na podniesienie rentowności PGNiG SA, ale również znakomicie wkomponowują się w nasze działania w zakresie rozwoju aktywności GK PGNiG na rynkach zagranicznych - podkreśla Krzysztof Głogowski, prezes Zarządu PGNiG S.A.
W czasie pobytu w Iranie przedstawiciele PGNiG S.A. przeprowadzili szereg rozmów z zarządami czołowych firm naftowych zrzeszonych w NIOC (National Iranian Oil Company). Dotyczyły one przede wszystkim możliwości udziału PGNiG S.A. w zakresie wzajemnej współpracy w takich dziedzinach jak: zagospodarowanie odkrytych złóż oraz współpracy przy realizacji inwestycji związanych m.in. budową podziemnych magazynów gazu.
Co istotne, w rozmowach uczestniczyli również przedstawiciele rządu irańskiego, reprezentujący Ministerstwo Ropy i Gazu: H. Noghrehkar Shirazi, wiceminister ds. zagranicznych oraz S.R. Kassaei Zadeh, wiceminister ds. produkcji gazu i dyrektor zarządzający National Iranian Gas Company. Strona irańska oceniła bardzo wysoko przygotowanie merytoryczne i technologiczne PGNiG SA i wyraziła zainteresowanie wspólnymi przedsięwzięciami.
Dzięki podjęciu współpracy z irańskimi firmami naftowymi PGNiG S.A. ma nadzieję dołączyć do grona znaczących firm naftowych takich jak m.in. austriacki OMV, hiszpański REPSOL, włoska ENI i rosyjski Łukoil, które z powodzeniem rozwijają działalność biznesową na terenie Iranu.
Joanna Zakrzewska
Rzecznik PGNiG S.A.
Poland makes bid to produce 2.7m tons of LNG from Lavan gas
Tehran Times Economic Desk
TEHRAN – Poland has offered Iranian Offshore Oil Company (IOOC) a technical and financial bid to produce 2.7 million tons of LNG from natural gas of the Lavan field annually, the IOOC managing director said here on Friday.
Mahmud Zirakchianzadeh, quoted by Moj News Agency, added Lavan gas field holds 8-12 trillion cu. f. of natural gas reserves and is planned to have an initial production of 360 million cu. f. per day.
Polish Oil & Gas Company
KRS 0000059492, NIP 525-000-80-28, share capital 5 900 000 000 PLN - fully paid
Headquarters - 25 Kasprzaka Street, 01-224 Warsaw, Poland
Phone: +48 22 589 45 55, +48 22 691 79 00, Fax: +48 22 691 82 73
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